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Full text
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Icons of Zimbabwe’s Crisis and their Interpretation by European
Union Officials
A Thesis
submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of
Doctor of Philosophy in Media Studies
by
Charles Moyo
to
Bayreuth International Graduate School of African Studies (BIGSAS),
University of Bayreuth,
Germany
Supervisor: Prof. Dr. Ivo Ritzer
Media Studies (Media in Africa)
University of Bayreuth, Germany
Mentors:
Prof. Dr. Ute Fendler, University of Bayreuth, Germany
Francophone Literatures, Cultures and Media in Africa
Prof. Dr. Bernhard Stahl, University of Passau, Germany
International Politics
October 2018
i
Declaration of Scientific Integrity
I do hereby declare that this thesis is my own work and effort and that it has not been submitted
for any awards or any other purpose. Where other sources of information have been used, they
have been acknowledged.
Bayreuth, 13.10.2018
Charles Moyo
ii
Dedication
To my loving wife Caroline and the entire family for their immense sacrifice and unwavering
support.
iii
Acknowledgements
The success of this project is a collective effort in terms of individual and institutional support.
Special mention goes to my Supervisor, Prof. Ivo Ritzer for his guidance throughout the
research. His suggested reading list and astute insights were key throughout the writing of this
thesis. I would also like to acknowledge my mentors; Prof. Ute Fendler and Prof. Bernhard
Stahl, especially for their helpful comments and shrewd mentorship.
Special mention also goes to the BIGSAS Academic Committee, Management Board and the
Administration Team for the financial and administrative support which made the successful
completion of this thesis possible. I would also like to acknowledge the significant role that
was played by the Katholischer Akademischer Ausländer Dienst (KAAD) Staff particularly in
terms of financial and spiritual support. To that end, special mention goes to Dr. Marko Kuhn,
Dr. Hermann Weber, Ms. Jana Geerken, Ms. Pia Schievink and Ms. Miriam Rossmerkel. At
the Katholische Hochshule Gemeinde (KHG), special mention goes to Ms. Barbara Goeb and
Mr Thomas Ries for their assistance, kindness and encouragement during the writing of this
manuscript. Special mention also goes to Mr Bjorn Hultin and Ms. Dorothe Grebe for
facilitating interviews for me in Belgium and Zimbabwe respectively.
At the University of Zimbabwe, I would like to single out Prof. Charity Manyeruke, Dr. Donald
Chimanikire, Dr. Rose Jaji, Prof. Lloyd Sachikonye, Mr. Greg. Linington, Dr Solomon Muqayi
and Ms. Oripha Chimwara for their support and encouragement. I would also like to
acknowledge the support and encouragement I got from BIGSAS Junior Fellows, friends and
colleagues. Special mention goes to Edknowledge Mandikwaza, Samuel Sibanda, Isaac Jonas,
Jeff Goodner, Nkosana Ndlovu, Knowledge Mwonzora, Gift Mwonzora, Welcome Zimuto,
Musawenkosi Ncube, Patricia Madzivanzira, Christian Beitlich, Sixpence Pedzisai, Samuel
Asamoah, Ghadafi Saibu, Takudzwa Madzimure, Thamsanqa Dangazela, Emmerson
Chivhenge, Tawanda Gara, Clifford Hlatywayo, Tawanda Pilo, Knowledge Handirade,
Timothy Dube, Goodluck Kiwori, Yvette Ngum, Simbarashe Makunde, Gemechu Abeshu,
Prosper Maguchu, Daniel Osieko, Emmnuel Sackey, Brian Hungwe, Alexander Klein,
Katharina McLaren, Dina Falten, Siyabusa Mkhuhlani, Locardia Shayamunda, Georgina
Maxim, Alouis Chilunjika, Prolific Mataruse, Simbarashe Nyamukachi, Bennedict Arko,
Misheck Gondo, Trust Mpofu and Jonah Marawako. Above all, I thank God for watching over
me throughout the writing of this manuscript.
iv
Abstract
This study focused on how EU officials interpret iconic pictures depicting Zimbabwe’s Crisis,
especially in light of the country’s national image and economic dynamics. Generally, the study
centred on the respondents’ feelings, memories, descriptions and remarks about the above-
mentioned pictures. Specifically, the study explored the respondents’ remarks about the
pictures in question vis-à-vis Zimbabwe’s national image and economic trajectory.
This study was motivated by the fact that, despite the existence of numerous pictures depicting
Zimbabwe’s political and economic predicament, studies focusing on such pictorial material
remain extremely scant. Instead, there is a widespread tendency by scholars to focus on the
verbal, rhetorical and statistical narrative of Zimbabwe’s Crisis at the expense of its pictorial
dimension. Such a tendency has relegated the pictures in question to the periphery, yet they
could augment the Zimbabwe Crisis debate. Therefore, this study sought to bridge such a
scholarship lacuna by delving on Zimbabwe’s Crisis from a visual-cultural perspective in
general, and from a pictorial point of view, in particular. Studying the afore-mentioned pictures
dovetails with the theoretical discourse of image science/Bildwissenschaft and iconology which
underpin this study.
The data collection exercise for this study was twofold: (1) collection of pictures, and; (2) data
collection through interviews. Accordingly, eight iconic (still) pictures and two moving
pictures (videos) were collected from Aljazeera English, BBC, CNN and France 24’s online
archives. Thereafter, 25 key informant interviews based on the same pictures were conducted
with Members of the European Parliament (Brussels), officials from the European Commission
(Brussels) and EU’s diplomatic post in Zimbabwe. Before the interviews, the researcher
studied the pictures in question using Marotzki and Stoetzer’s (2006) model of pictorial
analysis. This was done to understand the pictures from a “scientific” perspective and to subtly
compare the results with those from the EU officials. The studying of the pictures using the
above-mentioned model revealed their capacity to stir emotions, especially anger, fear, horror,
sympathy and helplessness. It was also concluded that that the pictures in question projected
symbols related to Marxism, police state, war, Zimbabwean culture and extreme suffering.
Also, in the two videos studied; the ironic, artistic and aesthetic use of metapictures to portray
violence and suffering stands out.
After the analysis of the data collected through key informant interviews, the study established
several findings and conclusions. In sync with the school of thought which advances the nexus
between pictures and emotions, the study concluded that the pictures under study, evoked deep
emotions and public outcry. The study also observed the dominance of the pictures in question
over verbal and statistical narratives, particularly from an emotional and memorial point of
view. Ironically, the study concluded that due to their viral nature and repeated broadcasting,
the pictures under study lost their impact over time as their consumers became “insulated” from
their emotive capabilities. Concerning the respondents’ remarks on the pictures under study,
the analysis of the collected data revealed that, the pictures in question provoked state
sponsored iconoclasm in Zimbabwe. Another conclusion emanating from what the respondents
said about the pictures in question, indicated that the pictures under study led to the emergence
of two antagonistic camps which can be described as; (1) the iconophobes and iconoclasts
(represented by the state) and; (2) journalists who leaned towards the iconophilic and
iconodules camp. The former group represent those who destroyed and suppressed images
whereas the latter represent those who pictorially documented Zimbabwe’s Crisis and exposed
its pictures to the outside world. Also, it was concluded that the state, through colossal
propaganda, created a counter image, in an effort to counteract physical and metaphorical
v
images about Zimbabwe in the international media. In addition, racial and gender bias in terms
of pictorial representation of the victims by the international media houses in question, was
also underlined.
In addition, the study also established that the pictorial images that were studied represented
the reality on the ground which somehow influenced the EU’s decision to impose “smart”
sanctions, travel restrictions and investment warnings on Zimbabwe. Importantly, the study
concluded that, apart from painting a gloom and grim image about Zimbabwe, the pictures
under study also acted as a mirror which projected multiple and negative images ranging from
racism, violence and hostility, lawlessness, failed state, to inflation and economic meltdown.
Such a scenario was argued to be an antithesis to tourism and foreign direct investment. The
study also observed that since the respondents interpreted the pictures from an institutional and
authoritative position, they therefore “read” the pictures from a “straitjacket” or “blinkered”
point of view, which most likely blurred their interpretation. Despite different ideological and
political affiliations, there were no significant variations in the way Members of the European
Parliament (Brussels), officials from the European Commission (Brussels) and EU Delegation
to Zimbabwe (Harare) interpreted the pictures under study.
In line with the respondents’ remarks vis-à-vis the pictures selected for this study, pitfalls
associated with pictures were highlighted. In the same wavelength, it was pointed out that
technological advancement has exposed pictures to manipulation or “photoshopping,” which
ultimately affects their interpretation and perception by their consumers. Also, it was pointed
out that pictures do not always portray the “full picture” of any given scenario since they are
prone to the vices of subjectivity and selectivity. Selectivity, which leads to subjective
perceptions, is a process whereby journalists select certain pictures for broadcasting at the
expense of others, according to personal and institutional expediency.
In terms of academic contribution, this study is one of the foremost to study pictures depicting
Zimbabwe’s Crisis. It therefore represents an academic paradigm shift from the traditional
study of the country’s crisis which is largely verbal, narrative and statistical in nature.
Therefore, this study is directly the opposite of the traditional approach which tends to reduce
the pictures in question to footnotes of the country’s crisis debate. Moreover, the study used
image science as its theoretical yardstick, hence, its unique “scientific” contribution in that
respect. From a political point of view, conclusions related to the nexus between and among
pictures, Zimbabwe’s national image and economic trajectory could be of interest to
policymakers, civic society, diplomats and political parties in Zimbabwe.
vi
Table of Contents
Declaration of Scientific Integrity ........................................................................................................ i
Dedication ......................................................................................................................................... ii
Acknowledgements .......................................................................................................................... iii
Abstract ........................................................................................................................................... iv
Table of Contents ........................................................................................................................... vi
List of Figures .................................................................................................................................... x
Acronyms ..........................................................................................................................................xi
Chapter 1: Introduction and Background to the Study ....................................................................... 1
1
Introduction .............................................................................................................................. 1
1.1
Background and Context .................................................................................................... 2
1.2
Research Questions ............................................................................................................ 5
1.3
Delimitation of the Study ................................................................................................... 5
1.4
Rationale for the Study....................................................................................................... 8
1.5
Methodology- Data Collection, Presentation and Analysis ................................................ 10
1.6
Ethical Considerations ...................................................................................................... 15
1.7
Overview of Chapters ....................................................................................................... 17
Chapter 2: Literature Review ........................................................................................................... 19
2
Introduction ............................................................................................................................ 19
2.1
The Study of Images ......................................................................................................... 19
2.1.1
Visual Culture ........................................................................................................... 22
2.1.2
Zimbabwe’s Crisis and International Media Publicity ................................................ 23
2.2
Summary.......................................................................................................................... 24
Chapter 3: Theoretical and Conceptual Framework ......................................................................... 25
3
Introduction ............................................................................................................................ 25
3.1
Visual Culture ................................................................................................................... 25
3.1.1
Visual Culture, Technology and Perception ............................................................... 28
3.2
Image Science/Bildwissenschaft ....................................................................................... 30
3.3
Iconology and Iconography .............................................................................................. 31
3.4
The Idea of Imagery, Image Family Tree and Forms of Images .......................................... 34
3.5
Iconic Images and their Features ...................................................................................... 36
3.5.1
Iconoclasm, Iconophobia, Iconophilism and Iconodules ............................................ 41
3.6
The CNN Effect ................................................................................................................. 45
3.7
National Images ............................................................................................................... 47
3.8
The Theory of Framing ..................................................................................................... 48
3.9
Conclusion ....................................................................................................................... 49
vii
Chapter 4: Zimbabwe’s Crisis, Media Publicity and the Emergence of Iconic Pictures ....................... 50
4
Introduction ............................................................................................................................ 50
4.1
The Rise in International Media Attention on Zimbabwe .................................................. 50
4.1.1
The Fast Track Land Reform Programme................................................................... 52
4.1.2
Elections and Political Violence ................................................................................. 53
4.1.3
Economic Collapse and Inflation ............................................................................... 56
4.1.4
Persecution, Banning and Expulsion of Foreign Journalists ........................................ 59
4.1.5
Controversial and Inflammatory Rhetoric ................................................................. 60
4.1.6
Operation Restore Order/Murambatsvina ................................................................ 62
4.2
Conclusion ....................................................................................................................... 63
Chapter 5: Iconology, Image Science and Iconic Pictures.................................................................. 64
5
Introduction ............................................................................................................................ 64
5.1
Distinction between a Picture and an Image ..................................................................... 64
5.2
Marotzki and Stoetzer’s Model of Pictorial Analysis .......................................................... 65
5.2.1
Zimbabwe Crisis’ Pictures and Moritzki and Stoetzer’s Model ................................... 67
5.2.2
Moving Pictures (Videos) .......................................................................................... 86
5.3
Conclusion ....................................................................................................................... 97
Chapter 6: What do Pictures Do? ..................................................................................................... 98
6
Introduction ............................................................................................................................ 98
6.1
What do Iconic Pictures Do? ............................................................................................. 98
6.1.1
Feelings and Public Outcry ........................................................................................ 99
6.1.2
Pictures, Memory and Political History ................................................................... 102
6.1.3
Pictures versus Statistics and Words ....................................................................... 104
6.1.4
The Impact of Television Pictures- “Mixed Media” .................................................. 107
6.1.5
Iconoclasm, Conflicting Camps and Counter Images ............................................... 108
6.1.6
Viral and Repeated Pictures .................................................................................... 112
6.1.7
Gender and Racial Bias ........................................................................................... 114
6.2
Pictures and Foreign Policy ............................................................................................. 116
6.2.1
The Somali, Libyan and Syrian Cases ....................................................................... 117
6.2.2
Pictures and the EU’s Attitude towards Zimbabwe ................................................. 120
6.3
The Pitfalls of Pictures .................................................................................................... 125
6.3.1
Manipulation, “Fake News,” Subjectivity, Selectivity and the “Missing” Picture ...... 125
6.3.2
Optical illusions, Perception Hurdles, Blindness and Deafness ................................ 128
6.4
What do Pictures Want? The Biological Aspect of Pictures ............................................. 128
6.5
Pictures of Zimbabwe Crisis and their Interpretation: A Comparative View..................... 130
6.6
Conclusion ..................................................................................................................... 131
viii
Chapter 7: Pictures, Zimbabwe’s National Image and Economic Trajectory .................................... 133
7
Introduction .......................................................................................................................... 133
7.1
What is a National Image? .............................................................................................. 133
7.1.1
Perceived National Images Versus Projected Media Images of Nations ................... 135
7.1.2
The Significance of National Images ........................................................................ 137
7.2
Pictures and the National Image of Zimbabwe................................................................ 140
7.2.1
The Image of Violence and Hostility ........................................................................ 141
7.2.2
The Image of Lawlessness and a Failed State .......................................................... 142
7.2.3
The Image of Racism ............................................................................................... 144
7.2.4
The Image of Economic Meltdown and Inflation ..................................................... 145
7.3
Other Factors that impacted on Zimbabwe’s National Image.......................................... 147
7.3.1
Mugabe’s Dominance and Dictatorial Tendencies ................................................... 147
7.3.2
Inflammatory Rhetoric and Hate Speech................................................................. 149
7.3.3
Zimbabwe’s History of Violence .............................................................................. 150
7.3.4
Oral Tradition ......................................................................................................... 152
7.3.5
Other forms of Media ............................................................................................. 154
7.4
Pictures and Zimbabwe’s Economic Trajectory ............................................................... 154
7.4.1
Foreign Direct Investment ...................................................................................... 155
7.4.2
Tourism .................................................................................................................. 158
7.5
Conclusion ..................................................................................................................... 160
Chapter 8: Conclusions .................................................................................................................. 162
8
Summary ............................................................................................................................... 162
8.1
Conclusions Related to Marotzki and Stoetzer’s Model .................................................. 162
8.2
Key Conclusions of the Study .......................................................................................... 164
8.3
Contribution of the Study ............................................................................................... 172
8.4
Recommendations for further research .......................................................................... 174
8.5
Concluding Remarks ....................................................................................................... 174
Bibliography .................................................................................................................................. 175
Appendix 1: Interview Guide ......................................................................................................... 188
ix
List of Tables
Table 1: Differences between Perceptual and Mental Images……………………….....……50
Table 2: Politically Motivated Human Rights Violations, 2000-2001…………………….…74
Table 3: Status, Image and Possible Action………………………………………………...163
x
List of Figures
Figure 1: The Image Family Tree………………………………………………………...…..47
Figure 2: Model for the Analysis of National Images………………………………………..65
Figure 3: Pictures as Mirrors of Zimbabwe’s National Image……………………………...173
xi
Acronyms
ACP-
African Caribbean Pacific
AU-
African Union
BBC-
British Broadcasting Corporation
BIGSAS-
Bayreuth International Graduate School of African Studies
CIO-
Central Intelligence Organization
CNN-
Cable News Network
EU-
European Union
IFIs-
International Financial Institution
IMF-
International Monetary Fund
MDC-
Movement for Democratic Change
MEPs-
Members of European Parliament
NCA-
National Constitutional Assembly
NGOs-
Non-Governmental Organisations
SADC-
Southern African Development Community
UN-
United Nations
UNISA-
University of South Africa
WTO-
World Trade Organisation
ZANU PF-
Zimbabwe African National Union Patriotic Front
ZBC-
Zimbabwe Broadcasting Corporation
ZNA-
Zimbabwe National Army
ZRP-
Zimbabwe Republic Police
1
Chapter 1: Introduction and Background to the Study
1
Introduction
Also known as Zimbabwe’s Crisis, the political and economic predicament which has plagued
Zimbabwe for almost two decades, has oftentimes drawn significant international media
coverage over the years.1 Consequently, the widespread media coverage of Zimbabwe’s Crisis
has led to the emergence of an array of pictures depicting the country’s political and economic
crisis.2 Some of the pictures in question could be described as iconic in some respects.3 In light
of the afore-mentioned pictures, some of the fundamental questions which beg for answers are:
what should be done with these pictures? What is their meaning? How do people feel about
them? What do people think and remember about them? Do they influence the country’s
national image and economic trajectory? Are these pictures the missing link in the
understanding of Zimbabwe’s Crisis? How should they be studied? The questions above
indicate a puzzle that needs to be deciphered in as much as the pictures in question are
concerned. Apart from being an under researched phenomenon, it is against this obscure
background associated with the afore-mentioned pictorial images that this study sought to
explore how iconic pictures depicting Zimbabwe’s Crisis are interpreted by EU officials,
particularly in light of the country’s national image and economic trajectory.4 This chapter
therefore serves as the introduction of this study. In this introductory chapter; the background
and context, aim, research questions, delimitation, rationale, ethical considerations and
methodology of this study are discussed. The chapter concludes by outlining the structural
overview of this thesis.
1 The terms “Zimbabwe’s Crisis” and “The Zimbabwe Crisis” are often used interchangeably to refer to the
political and economic crisis that plagued Zimbabwe from the year 2000. The crisis reached its crescendo between
2007 and 2008. For the purposes of this study, “Zimbabwe’s Crisis” is dominantly used.
2 A picture is different from an image since the former is physical and tangible whereas the latter is an intangible,
“metaphysical,” and fluid entity, hence, Mitchell’s (2015:6) observation that, a picture is a material object, a thing
you can break, burn or tear whereas an image survives the destruction of a picture (in memory, in narratives and
traces in other media). It is crucial to draw a line between pictures and images since they are oftentimes referred
to in a synonymous manner.
3 In this context, “Iconic” pictures refer to exceptional and outstanding pictures that depict Zimbabwe’s Crisis.
4 In the context of this study, EU officials refers to members of the European Parliament (MEPs) (Brussels),
officials from the EU Commission (Brussels) and EU diplomats who are part of the EU Delegation in Zimbabwe
(Harare). The EU officials in question were also respondents (or interviewees) to this study. Furthermore,
“interpretation” of the pictures refers to the respondents’ feelings, perceptions, utterances and memories about the
pictures under study. Overall, interpretation in the context of this research is wide and involves meaning derived
from the pictures by the respondents to this study.
2
1.1
Background and Context
Despite the existence of numerous pictures and videos depicting Zimbabwe’s political and
economic crisis in the media, researchers and scholars tend to overlook them. Instead, the
country’s crisis has often been studied from a verbal, rhetorical and statistical point of view.
As shall be shown in the literature review section of this thesis, a closer look at the work of
scholars who have written about Zimbabwe’s Crisis such as Makumbe (2002; 2006; 2009),
Ndlela (2005), Masunungure (2009), Ndlovu-Gatsheni (2004; 2009), Badza (2009), Linington
(2009), Sachikonye (2011; 2003), Bratton and Masunungure (2011), Willem (2011) and
Magaisa (2015) among many others, would reveal that the issue of pictures is not only obscure
but also located at the periphery of their debate. Such a tendency to gravitate towards statistical,
rhetorical and verbal narratives by scholars has reduced the pictorial aspect of the country’s
crisis to a footnote in the context of its study. Therefore, this study was motivated by the fact
that studies focusing on Zimbabwe’s Crisis from a visual cultural perspective in general and
from a pictorial point of view in particular, are extremely scant. This study therefore sought to
bridge such a scholarship lacuna.
Pictures depicting Zimbabwe’s Crisis remain an under-researched phenomenon worth to be
accorded adequate attention. Despite Mitchell (1986:1) alerting us to the fact that there is a
possibility of studying what people say about images; no known study has been conducted to
determine what people say, feel, think or remember about the pictures depicting Zimbabwe’s
Crisis. The “evasion” of the pictures in question by scholars and researchers runs contrary to
growing calls by some scholars who emphasise on the need to prioritise the study of images.
For instance, Cope (2015:6) emphasises on the need to prioritise the study of images due to
their vitality in art, education, cognitive science, communications, computer science, cultural
studies, design, education, film studies, history, linguistics, management, marketing, media
studies, museums studies, philosophy, photography, psychology, religious studies and
semiotics, among other fields.
Another protruding scholar in relation to the call for the study of images is Mitchell (2015:26)
who emphasises not only on the need to study images but also to study them in a “scientific”
manner, hence, his suggestion on the employment of what he calls “image
3
science”/Bildwissenschaft.5 In essence; image science treats images as “the object of science,
something to be tested, experimented with, described and explained, in accordance with the
most rigorous scientific methods” (Mitchell, 2015:26). Therefore, image science could be
described as the antithesis of a general, vague and ill-defined approach to the study of images.
This study therefore followed the image science trajectory, as opposed to a general approach
to the study of images.
In relation to image science, the pressing question which cries out for attention is: what is the
best way of “scientifically” studying images (including those selected for this study)? Mitchell
(2015:26) attempts to tackle this question by posing a number of rhetorical questions. The
questions range from whether an image is something to be tested, experimented with, described
and explained, in accordance with the most rigorous scientific methods or whether to run an
experiment on it, to whether to investigate material particles in an oil painting. The questions
above give us a window of opportunity in terms of the exploration of ways of studying images.
Against the backdrop of the above-mentioned questions and considering that image science
offers us the possibility to study what people say about images and how they describe them,
this study sought to investigate how the respondents to this study interpret the pictures under
study in general and how they specifically interpret them vis-a-vis Zimbabwe’s national image
and economic trajectory. To that end, the exploration of the respondents’ thoughts, feelings,
memories, descriptions and utterances in relation to the pictures in question was of paramount
importance. In the same vein, respondents’ remarks about the pictures in question in light of
Zimbabwe’s national image and economy were equally crucial.
Moreover, Mitchell (2015:24) also alerts us to the fact that there are a number of researchers
committed to image science who are studying images under the rubric of iconology. This study
was therefore inspired by Mitchell’s (2015) image science and therefore deals with the pictures
under study from an image science perspective, under the rubric of iconology. As Mitchell
(2015:8) notes, image science falls under what is termed “critical iconology,” which is basically
a new form of iconology in the post-Panofsky era. In his insightful interview at the Central
European University, Mitchell (2013) defines iconology as the “study of images across the
media, images that move between television, painting, photography, sculpture, the digital
image in the computer and what is involved in the study of those kinds of images...how to
interpret their meanings, how to track the way they move from one place to another, how they
5 Bildwissenschaft is a German term for “image science.”
4
affect us emotionally, intellectually, cognitively- all aspects of iconology.” In line with the aim
of this research and from an iconological point of view, this study dealt with both still and
moving pictures (videos) in the television and how they affect the respondents emotionally,
intellectually and cognitively.
Another important scholarly contribution that was considered in relation to the study of the
pictures selected for this study was Mitchell’s (1980) seminal article which dwells on what he
terms “the language of images.” Accordingly, the language of images is concerned about three
issues: (1) language about images (the words we use to talk about pictures); (2) images regarded
as a language: the semantic, syntactic, communicative power of images to encode messages,
tell stories, express ideas and emotions, raise questions and “speak” to us; (3) verbal language
as a system informed by images, literally in the graphic form of writing systems or “visible
language” (Mitchell, 1980:3). A closer look at the above submission by Mitchell (1980) would
reveal that the concept of the language of images is not only about the language used to describe
images but also their potency to communicate messages and induce emotions. To that end, the
concept of the language of images and the aim of this study and its research questions, seem to
dovetail, hence, its employment as a yardstick in the study of the pictures selected for this
study.
Another theory which is in sync with the aim of this study and which also falls under the critical
iconology theoretical discourse is picture theory. Mitchell (1994) dissects the phenomenon of
picture theory in finer detail. By the same token, in an interview at the Central European
University, Mitchell (2013) summarises picture theory in the following terms: “Picture theory
is kind of a double meaning, on one hand, we construct theories about pictures that they are
science by likeness, that they have certain effects on us but I am interested in the way that
pictures can theorise themselves and other things, so the pictures become a theoretical
discourse in their own right and not just an animate object that has to be explained by
language.” In the context of picture theory, this study is related with the trajectory of the
construction of theories about pictures and the study of their effects on us.
Accordingly, Mitchell’s works highlighted above, among others, not only acted as a yardstick
in the study of the pictures selected for this study but constitute the critical iconology theoretical
and conceptual discourse that underpin this study. In short, image science and iconology
inspired this study and it is against such an inspirational backdrop that this study sought to
explore how pictorial images associated with Zimbabwe’s Crisis are interpreted by EU
5
officials, especially in relation to the country’s national image and economic dynamics. In light
of the principal aim of the study cited above, three fundamental questions emerged and are
outlined in the next section below.
1.2 Research Questions
The main research question of this study which is derived from its aim is: how are iconic
pictures depicting Zimbabwe’s Crisis interpreted by EU officials especially in light of
Zimbabwe’s national image and economic trajectory? In light of this central question, three
research questions emerged;
1. What are the respondents’ feelings, thoughts, descriptions, remarks and memories about
the pictures under study?
2. What are the respondents’ views on the pictures under study in light of Zimbabwe’s
national image?
3. What are the respondents’ remarks on the pictures in question vis-à-vis Zimbabwe’s
economy?
In relation to the questions above, the first research question sought to probe the respondents’
thoughts, perceptions, feelings, memories, descriptions and utterances about the pictures in
question in general. The second question specifically investigated EU officials’ perspective
about the pictures under study vis-à-vis the image of Zimbabwe as a nation. In other words,
this research question is anchored on what the respondents say about the pictures in question,
in relation to the country’s national image. The third question sought to examine the
respondents’ remarks about the pictures under study in light of the country’s economic
dynamics. As it shall be later revealed, there is a nexus between the national image of
Zimbabwe and the country’s economic performance, hence, the study’s focus on the pictorial
images under study vis-à-vis Zimbabwe’s national image and economic dynamics. Also, the
issue of Zimbabwe’s national image and the economy is linked to its political and economic
crisis which the pictures under study depict.
1.3
Delimitation of the Study
It is important to spell out boundaries in as much as the scope of this research is concerned.
The political and economic crisis in Zimbabwe, popularly known as Zimbabwe’s Crisis,
unfolded in the year 2000 with the advent of the oftentimes violent land reform programme
and violent parliamentary elections that took place in the same year. Therefore, the period of
6
study chosen for this study is between 2000 and 2017. The year 2000 was chosen for the
beginning of the study due to its importance in as much Zimbabwe’s political crisis and the
accompanying media publicity is concerned. In the year 2000, the opposition MDC which had
been formed in 1999 contested the 2000 parliamentary election which resulted in massive
violence as cited by Makumbe (2000; 2002; 2009). Also, it is during the year 2000 that the
violent land reform programme which claimed lives of several white commercial farmers and
some of their workers was launched.
Due to the above-mentioned events, there was significant international media attention on
Zimbabwe and numerous pictures depicting violence appeared on the international media, as
observed by Ndlela (2005). Some of the iconic images selected for this study can be traced
back to the year 2000, hence, its selection as the beginning of the study. The period of study
ends in the year 2017 because it is the period when former President of Zimbabwe, Robert
Mugabe, was unceremoniously removed from power through a military coup that was
supported by Zimbabwean from across the political divide. Therefore, the year 2017 marked
the end of the Mugabe era and gave a “new complexion” to the country’s politics and the media
coverage thereof.
This study did not focus on all pictures associated with Zimbabwe’s Crisis. Instead, it focused
on “iconic pictures.” However, the study did not totally relegate other pictures associated with
the country’s crisis, as the iconic images under study cannot be divorced from the larger group
of pictures that depict Zimbabwe’s Crisis. In terms of their definition, Sturken and Cartwright
(2009:36) view iconic images as those images that carry great symbolic meaning in relation to
certain events. History reveals that each historical epoch has its own exceptional images which
could be deemed iconic. The American civil rights movement, Apartheid in South Africa,
Zimbabwe’s liberation struggle, the 9/11 attacks, US Apollo 11’s moon landing, the Cuban
Revolution and the Holocaust are a few examples of periods which produced notable and
distinct images. As will be shown in the next chapter, not all iconic images are at the same
level due to the fact that levels of iconicity are determined by cultural, historical, racial, political
persuasions etc.
In terms of iconic images, Zimbabwe’s political and economic crisis is not an exception. There
are several images associated with Zimbabwe’s Crisis that could be deemed iconic.
Accordingly, this study focused on eight still pictures and two videos which are deemed iconic.
7
The criterion that was used to select iconic pictures in question was premised on the essential
characteristics associated with iconic images and these include; symbolism, time factor, ability
to arouse emotions and public outcry, rarity and the capacity to go viral, among other essential
features. The concept of iconic images and their characteristics thereof is discussed later in this
thesis. Respondents were also asked to list pictorial images that depict Zimbabwe’s Crisis
which they deemed iconic. Accordingly, the respondents’ list largely tallied with the
researcher’s list which based iconicity of the pictures under study on the key characteristics of
iconic images.
The above-mentioned iconic pictures chosen for this study were drawn from four international
television (news) stations: Aljazeera English, BBC, CNN and France 24 English. The study
attempted to geographically spread the international media houses in question, hence, one from
the Middle East (Aljazeera English), one from North America (CNN) and two from Europe
(BBC and France 24 English). The geographical spreading of the media houses was done in a
bid to avoid bias and what Ngozi (2009) terms “the danger of a single story.” Also, the afore-
mentioned news stations were chosen due to their widespread, consistent and persistent
coverage of Zimbabwe’s Crisis over the years. It is also worth mentioning that this study only
focused on television pictures. Therefore, newspapers and social media platforms like
Facebook, WhatsApp and Twitter, are beyond its scope.
The study did not choose any news station from Africa because it sought an “outsider
perspective,” hence the choosing of EU officials as respondents. The principal reason why the
study sought the perspective of the EU officials about the pictorial pictures in question is due
to the importance of the European bloc to Zimbabwe in the context of political and economic
cooperation. Since 2000, the relationship between the EU and Zimbabwe has been deteriorating
due to the latter’s poor record of human rights and the breakdown of the rule of law. Therefore,
such a background of cooperation and relatively strained relations raised curiosity about how
officials from the EU interpret pictorial images depicting Zimbabwe’s Crisis.
Respondents from this study were drawn from the European Parliament (Brussels), EU
Commission (Brussels) and the European Delegation to Zimbabwe (Harare). These three
institutions of the EU were chosen because of accessibility reasons. Members of the European
Parliament that were interviewed in Brussels were from the following parties; Group of the
European People's Party (Christian Democrats), Group of the Progressive Alliance of Socialists
and Democrats in the European Parliament, European Conservatives and Reformists Group,
8
Group of the Alliance of Liberals and Democrats for Europe, Group of the Greens/European
Free Alliance and Confederal Group of the European United Left - Nordic Green Left.
Although some of the data gathered for this study revealed the impact of pictures in question
on its consumers (EU officials), it was not the purpose of this study to seek to measure such an
impact. The focus of this study was heavily tilted towards the iconic pictures selected for this
study compared to the verbal, rhetorical and statistical study of Zimbabwe’s Crisis as this has
received adequate scholarly attention over the years. However, the pictures depicting the
country’s crisis have been marginalised, hence, this study’s bias towards them.
1.4
Rationale for the Study
Pictures associated with Zimbabwe’s Crisis remain peripheral especially in terms of the study
of the country’s crisis. In other words, the visual cultural and “pictorial aspect” of the country’s
political and economic crisis remains a mystery that is extremely under researched and obscure.
For instance, up to date, no significant research has been conducted to determine the people’s
feelings, perceptions, utterances, thoughts or even memories in relation to the above-mentioned
pictures. The reason for Zimbabwe’s images of political crisis to remain under researched could
be explained by Ignatowitsch and Stahl’s (2015:2) standpoint that the discursive meaning of
images is generally seen as being “under-researched,” particularly because “the interpretation
of images is a lot harder than interpreting rhetoric.” Therefore, this study sought to focus on
this “unchartered” path or under-researched component of the country’s crisis in order to bridge
the knowledge gap in that regard.
Considering that the pictorial images under study are under researched, the fundamental
question which begs for an answer would be: could the pictures under study be the missing link
in terms of understanding Zimbabwe’s Crisis? This question partly justifies the undertaking of
this study. For many years the country’s political and economic crisis has been dealt with from
a statistical, verbal and rhetorical point of view. May be, until we understand the role, place,
meaning and impact of pictures depicting Zimbabwe’s Crisis, an otherwise important aspect of
the country’s crisis will remain a puzzle and outside the range of the “mainstream” debate about
the country’s crisis. Therefore, this study seeks to explore the meaning of the pictures in
question, in the jigsaw puzzle of Zimbabwe’s political and economic crisis, hence, the
importance of exploring how the outside world, in this case EU officials, interpret the pictures
in question vis-à-vis the country’s national image and economic dynamics. Therefore, the study
9
of the pictures in question could assist in the understanding of Zimbabwe’s political and
economic predicament.
This study chose the EU officials as its respondents because of the importance of the European
bloc to the country’s political and economic life. Accordingly, the EU is Zimbabwe’s biggest
trading partner and also supports the country’s judiciary, civic society and several humanitarian
initiatives (European Delegation to Zimbabwe, 2017). To that end, the way the country is
viewed by some EU officials, in this case from a visual or pictorial point of view, is important
considering such cooperation and relatively frosty relations between the two and the underway
efforts to mend the relationship. Also, this study touches on the perspectives of the same
officials in the context of the pictures under study vis-à-vis the country’s national image and
economic progress. Anholt (2005) emphasises on the importance of a nation’s image and calls
it “the country’s brand.” Therefore, findings in relation to the pictures under study and
Zimbabwe’s national image could be of interest especially to policymakers, civic society
organisations and thinks tanks in Zimbabwe, hence, the justification of the undertaking of this
study.
In addition to that, this study was also worth undertaking due to its potential to contribute to
academic debate, particularly in media studies, specifically in the sphere of visual culture. The
study is likely to be one of the foremost to deal with pictures depicting Zimbabwe’s Crisis from
the point of view of image science, under the rubric of iconology. Findings from such a study
could be of interest in the context of theory and debate especially in the sphere of the theoretical
discourse of iconology. Also, the findings from this study could be a window of opportunity
for the recommendation of other areas for further research.
Other questions that were asked by interested parties during the research were: why focus on
images of political and economic crisis? Why not focus on images of other things in
Zimbabwe? The answer to these question lies on the longevity and gravity of Zimbabwe’s
Crisis. Since 2000, the country’s political and economic crisis became a national, regional and
international issue, hence, the need to pay attention to it. In highlighting the gravity of
Zimbabwe’s Crisis, Ndlovu-Gatsheni (2004:297) notes that apart from dividing academics into
two antagonistic camps, the country’s deep crisis strained the country’s relations with Britain
and other Western powers. For instance, in the early 2000s, the EU, USA, Australia and Canada
imposed sanctions on Zimbabwe in response to political violence and economic
10
mismanagement. In short, Zimbabwe’s Crisis is a topical international issue, and this justifies
the study of images depicting it. The country’s crisis has been extensively covered, except for
the “pictorial” component of it, hence, the justification of its study from a visual cultural
perspective in general and from pictorial angle in particular. The next section focuses on the
methodology of the study.
1.5
Methodology- Data Collection, Presentation and Analysis
This section deals with the methodological trajectories that underpin this study. Accordingly,
the section discusses the nature of the methodological approach, sampling techniques, data
gathering, presentation and analysis. In addition to that, the section discusses ethical principles
that guided this study. To that end, ethical principles that were observed before, during and
after the research are discussed.
This study employed qualitative research techniques in terms of its data collection, presentation
and analysis. Creswell (2007) differentiates qualitative and quantitative research by observing
that qualitative research is framed in terms of using words (qualitative) rather than numbers
(quantitative) or using closed ended questions (quantitative hypotheses) rather than open ended
questions (qualitative interview questions). In addition, Creswell (2007) notes that the process
of qualitative research involves emerging questions and procedures, data typically collected in
the participants’ setting, data analysis inductively building from particulars to general themes,
and the researcher making interpretations of the meaning of data. Therefore, this research
followed the qualitative trajectory as described above.
Creswell (2007) also notes that qualitative research is associated with the inductive reasoning-
oriented research. However, the inductive approach go hand in glove with the deductive
approach as the two seem to be two opposite sides of the same coin. Gabriel (2013) emphasises
that qualitative research is more associated with inductive reasoning compared to the deductive
model which is associated with quantitative studies. Since this study is qualitative by nature, it
is largely associated with the inductive reasoning model.
Burney (2008:7) observes that induction is usually described as moving from the specifics to
the general, while deduction begins with the general and ends with the specific.
Correspondingly, Gabriel (2013) notes that “the main differences between inductive and
deductive approaches is that whilst a deductive approach is aimed at testing theory, an inductive
approach is concerned with the generation of a new theory emerging from the data.” This study
11
came up with new findings and that is in line with the inductive approach. Importantly, Gabriel
(2013) also mentions that a deductive approach usually begins with a hypothesis, whilst an
inductive approach uses research questions to narrow the scope of the study. Therefore, this
study used research questions as opposed to a hypothesis. In a nutshell, Burney (2008:5) points
out that inductive reasoning moves from specific observations to broader generalisations and
theories, is a “bottom up” approach, bases its conclusions on premises and involves a degree
of uncertainty.
Furthermore, this study employed pre-testing in order to determine the efficiency of the data
collection instruments, among other reasons. Hurst (2015) underlines the importance of pre-
testing in qualitative research and defines it in the following terms: “By definition, pretesting
involves simulating the formal data collection process on a small scale to identify practical
problems with regard to data collection instruments, sessions, and methodology.” In addition
to that, Hurst (2015) also cites the following as the main reasons for conducting a pre-test:
Evaluating language competency and content validity of data collection materials; Estimating
time length of full interview delivery and marking periods of respondent fatigue; Maximizing
methodological skills and achieving proficiency standards for qualitative data collection; and,
Assessing the feasibility and fidelity of translation and transcription protocols in preparation of
the interview text for qualitative analysis.
It is against the above-mentioned backdrop that this study utilized the pretesting procedure.
Therefore, the researcher conducted 10 key informant interviews with diplomats from
European countries based in Harare selected through convenience sampling. Creswell (2009:155)
notes that: “In many researches, however, only a convenience sample is possible because the investigator must
use naturally formed groups (e.g. Classroom, an organization, a family unit) ...” To that regard, the researcher
used a “naturally formed group” (diplomats from EU countries in Harare) for the purposes of convenience
sampling for the pre-test.
Importantly, some lessons were drawn from the pre-test. One of the lessons that were derived
from the pre-test is related to time management and control during the interviews. Considering
the oftentimes tight schedule of the respondents, the researcher had allocated 20 minutes for
each interview. However, after the pretesting process, the researcher realised that the 20
minutes were inadequate, hence, the revision of the time from 20 minutes to between 30 and
40 minutes.
In addition to that, the pre-test procedure also helped to determine coherence in relation to the
interview questions and to that regard, research questions in the interview guide were
rearranged after the pre-test. Furthermore, the pre-test process also helped to prepare the
12
researcher to be accustomed with the interviewing process in preparation for the main key
informant interviews. Also, the pre-test also assisted in terms of evaluating the language
competency in relation to the interview guide. The data from the pre-test process was used to
determine the time needed for the transcription process for each interview. It is also worth
underlining that during the pre-test process, the respondents suggested more potential
respondents; a process linked to snowballing that was used in the selection of the respondents
for this study.
Pretesting differs from a pilot study. According to UNISA (2006:256), “A pilot study is a mini-
version of a full-scale study or a trial run done in preparation of the complete study.” Therefore,
a pilot study is like the actual version of the research but done in a small scale. Pilot studies are
usually associated with quantitative research as opposed to qualitative research. As previously
highlighted in this section, pretesting is heavily tilted towards the testing of the data gathering
instruments in order to determine their efficiency. Pretesting is also suitable for quantitative
research. In line with qualitative and inductive research approaches, this study employed key
informant interviews and observation as its data collection instruments. In terms of sources for
the purposes of data collection, the study utilized archives, books, journals, documents and
internet sources, among many other sources.
For data gathering, this study utilized key informant interviews. Key informant interviews are
“qualitative, in-depth interviews of about 15 to 35 people selected because of their first-hand
knowledge about a topic of interest” (USAID, 1996:1). Therefore, 25 interviews were
conducted with key informants who are privy to the topic at hand. The interviewees were drawn
from the European Parliament (Brussels), European Commission (Brussels) and the European
Delegation to Zimbabwe (Harare). The key informant interviews were conducted in three
phases. The first phase of interviews was conducted with diplomats accredited to the European
Delegation to Zimbabwe and took place in Zimbabwe during the period August to October
2015. It is worth mentioning that the first phase of the interviews also included the pre-test
procedure discussed in the previous section. The second phase also took place in Zimbabwe
from September to December 2017. The last and final phase took place in Brussels during the
month of October 2017. The interviews in Brussels were conducted with Members of the
European Parliament and officials from the European Commission.
The population and sample size for this study was regulated by the dictates of the nature of key
informant interviews which stipulate that the number of respondents should range from 15 to
13
35. Therefore, the number of informants for this study fell within that range. The researcher
had targeted to interview 30 key informants but ultimately interviewed 25 respondents.
Moreover, a combination of judgmental (or purposive) and snowball sampling was employed
in the selection of the respondents for the key informant interviews. Key informant interviews
and judgmental (purposive) sampling seem to jelly as they both target informants due to their
knowledge of the situation at hand. Accordingly, Etikan, Musa, and Alkassim (2016:2) observe
that purposive sampling “is typically used in qualitative research to identify and select the
information-rich cases for the most proper utilization of available resources. This involves
identification and selection of individuals or groups of individuals that are proficient and well-
informed with a phenomenon of interest.” Therefore, EU officials with proficient knowledge
about Zimbabwe’s political and economic crisis and its coverage by the international media
were selected through non-probability purposive sampling.
The study also utilized snowball sampling. Katz (2006) defines snowball sampling in the following
terms:
Snowball sampling is a special nonprobability method for developing a research sample where
existing study subjects recruit future subjects from among their acquaintances. This sampling
technique is often used in hidden populations which are difficult for researchers to access…or
in cases where a sampling frame is hard to establish and it is assumed that cases are affiliated
through links that can be exploited to locate other respondents based on existing ones.
The snowball sampling technique is used for respondents that are hidden or difficult to find. Respondents of this
study fall under such a category, hence the employment of the technique.
In addition to key informant interviews, observation was used. Burney (2008) and Gabriel (2013) link
observation to inductive and qualitative studies. The University of Colorado (2000:2) defines
systematic observation as a process of recording the behavioural patterns of people, objects
and occurrences as they are witnessed. Since the year 2000, the researcher has been following
(observing) how international media stations have been reporting about Zimbabwe’s Crisis.
Accordingly, the researcher has been observing how frequent the above-mentioned media
stations reported on Zimbabwe’s political and economic situation and the pictures (still and
moving) that were used in their reportage. Moreover, the University of Colorado (2000:2) also
alerts us to the fact that during systematic observation, the researcher gathers data through
witnessing and recording events as they occur, as well as through compiling evidence from
records of the past. An important point about the above viewpoint is that observation can be
conducted also through compiling records of the past and this study followed such a trajectory.
14
The iconic pictures selected for this study are drawn from online archives four television (news)
stations: Aljazeera English, BBC, CNN and France 24. Also, the researcher got some of the
pictorial material from the correspondents of the above-mentioned television stations. This study
also relied on documentary research where analysis of documents relating to Zimbabwe’s political and
economic crisis was done. In the same vein, documents related to EU-Zimbabwe relations in the context of
sanctions, travel and investment warnings and statements from the EU in relation to Zimbabwe’s Crisis were
consulted. In relation to documentary research, Mogalakwe (2006: 221) notes that:
The use of documentary methods refers to the analysis of documents that contain information
about the phenomenon we wish to study (Bailey 1994). Payne and Payne (2004) describe the
documentary method as the techniques used to categorize, investigate, interpret and identify the
limitations of physical sources, most commonly written documents whether in the private or
public domain.
In light of documentary research, the website of the European Delegation to Zimbabwe played
an important role in terms of the provision of documents with important information in relation
to this study. Also, the library at the European Parliament in Brussels played a key role in terms
of the documents in question. In addition to that, newspapers, textbooks and journals articles
also played a critical role. It is also worth underlining that the internet played an important role
as a source, including for the gathering of pictures selected for this study. After the data
gathering process the data was analyzed and presented.
Since the data gathering process was two-fold, it therefore follows that even the data
presentation and analysis process is double pronged: (1) the analysis and presentation of the
data gathered from key informant interviews and; (2) the analysis of pictures (still and moving)
gathered from online archives of the news stations under study. In terms of the analysis and
presentation of data gathered through key informant interviews, the study utilised thematic
analysis. In relation to the analysis of pictures, the study employed models and paradigms of
pictorial analysis mainly from Marotzki and Stoetzer (2006) and from Mitchell’s (1996; 2015)
insights. The study of the pictures in question was done under the auspices of iconology in
general, and image science, in particular.
Since they are both key for the purposes of this study, it is important to highlight on the onset,
the relationship between Mitchell’s (2015) approach (image science) and Marotzki and
Stoetzer’s (2006) model of studying pictures. Mitchell’s (2015) image science follows a
defined, systematic or “scientific” trajectory to the study of images (and/or pictures). Therefore,
the relationship between Mitchell’s (2015) image science and Marotzki and Stoetzer’s (2006)
15
model is that both are “scientific” in character, in the sense that, the latter consists of four
clearly defined stages of analysing pictures; something in line with the dictates of the former.
Therefore, it could be said that the two approaches operate hand in hand. Chapter four of this
thesis deals in detail with Marotzki and Stoetzer’s (2006) model and its application thereof.
The reason why the researcher studied the pictures under study at a personal level using the
afore-mentioned model was to understand their meaning and also to eliminate bias. Besides,
using Marotzki and Stoetzer’s (2006) model also gave the researcher the opportunity to
compare, albeit in a tacit manner, how he interprets the pictures under study vis-à-vis how the
same pictures are interpreted by the respondents.
For the purposes of data presentation and analysis related to key informant interviews, thematic
analysis was used. Thematic analysis is a data analysis method which involves encoding data
into themes for the purposes of its subsequent analysis and presentation. Accordingly, Boyatzis
(1998) observes that the first step involves the encoding of data into themes. Fereday and Muir-
Cochrane (2008:82) notes that after the encoding of the data, “the emerging themes become
categories for analysis.” After data collection from the key informants, the researcher encoded
the data into dominant themes that emerged from the data, which was then followed by its
analysis. In line with the dictates of thematic analysis, the data in this study is presented in form
of themes that emerged from the collected data. In scientific research, there are certain ethical
principles that need to be observed. The following section deals with ethical considerations in
relation to this study.
1.6
Ethical Considerations
For ethical reasons, there are several guiding principles that should be followed especially
when one is carrying out academic research. The consequences of violating such principles are
usually dire. This study was conducted within the confines of ethical principles to be observed
before, during research and after research. The ethical principles in question are discussed in
this section below.
The Helsinki Declaration of 1964 and 2013 is key in relation to ethical principles. Houston
(2016:3) observes that, The Helsinki Declaration of 1964 and 2013 principles include but not
limited to; the importance of preserving the accuracy of results, protection of privacy of
research subjects and preservation of their personal information, protection of vulnerable
16
groups and seeking consent before conducting any research. In addition to that, the Academy
of Social Science (2016) also stresses out that researchers should respect the privacy,
autonomy, diversity, values, and dignity of individuals, groups and communities; be conducted
with integrity throughout, employing the most appropriate methods for the research purpose;
and, be socially responsible in conducting and disseminating their findings, among other
principles.
Rodriguez, Valdebenito and Mondragón (2004:3) outline a mixture of ethical principles and
some risks associated with their violation:
Revelation of purveyed information can put the subject at risk of criminal or civil liability, or
damage to their economic condition, employment or reputation; Actual or potential breach of
confidentiality; Violation of privacy, even when confidentiality is assured; Validation of
inappropriate or undesirable behaviours, possibly based on misunderstanding the intention of
the investigator; Presentation of results in a form that does not respect the interests of the
subjects; Possible damage to individuals that do not participate directly in the investigation, but
from whom information is obtained indirectly or that they belong to the class or group from
which subjects are selected; and; Damage to the dignity, image or innocence of the subject, as
result of indiscrete or inappropriate questions for the age in interviews or questionnaires.
In light of the above principles, the researcher tried his best to be as transparent as possible. As
such, he had a letter of introduction from BIGSAS which introduced him and his topic to the
potential respondents. Also, the researcher did not falsify the purpose of the research. In
addition to that, the researcher also promised the respondents that the findings of the study
would be published and be accessible not only to them but to the public at large.
This study also protected the anonymity of its respondents by using numbers to refer to them.
Sex and age of the respondents was also kept anonymous. Also, the majority of the respondents
did not want to be recorded with a voice recorder and the researcher respected such a request
by avoiding audio recording. Instead, the researcher resorted to notes taking during some key
informant interviews. Importantly, during the writing of the thesis, three issues were avoided:
fabrication, falsification and plagiarism. Kamat (2006) comments on the afore-mentioned acts:
(a) Fabrication is making up data or results and recording or reporting them; (b) Falsification
is manipulating research materials, equipment, or processes, or changing or omitting data or
results such that the research is not accurately represented in the research record; and (c)
Plagiarism is the appropriation of another person's ideas, processes, results, or words without
giving appropriate credit. This study avoided plagiarism by acknowledging all the consulted
sources. Consequences of plagiarism are dire as evidenced by the stripping of a doctorate
degree from the then German Defence Minister, Karl-Theodor zu Guttenberg by the University
17
of Bayreuth on plagiarism reasons in 2011 (BBC 2011, February 24). The researcher did not
fabricate data that was used in this study. The researcher used the collected data in its original
form and did not “make up” the data in any way. In sum, this researcher respected ethical
principles before, during and after the research.
1.7
Overview of Chapters
This thesis consists of eight chapters. The first chapter is the introduction to the study and it
includes the introduction, aim of the study, research questions, motivation of the study,
background and context, delimitation, rationale of the study, methodological approaches and
ethical principles that guided this research. The second chapter is centred on literature review.
The aim of the literature review and theoretical framework chapters differ. Unlike the literature
section (chapter two) whose aims are outlined below in this paragraph, the theoretical
framework segment (chapter three) specifically deals with the specificities of the theoretical
and conceptual discourse that underpin this study, in a fine-grained fashion. On the other hand,
the literature review chapter reviews strengths and shortcomings of the body of literature in
question vis-à-vis the aims and objectives of this study. Also, the chapter delves on areas of
consensus and divergence of the reviewed literature in light of this study. Importantly, the
chapter in question also identifies the gaps in the reviewed literature and how this study will
contribute in terms of filling up such gaps.
The third chapter of this thesis dissects the theoretical and conceptual framework of this study.
Therefore, theories such as image science, iconology, iconography, visual culture, the CNN
effect and the theory of framing are discussed. Concepts discussed in this section include; the
idea of imagery, iconic images, iconoclasm, iconophobia and iconophilism. Also, the above
mentioned theoretical and conceptual discourse is discussed in relation to the relevance and
aim of this study. Chapter four gives a brief overview of the events associated with Zimbabwe’s
Crisis and how they attracted international media attention and their pictorial depiction.
Therefore, the land reform programme; political and electoral violence; economic decline and
inflation; persecution and harassing of journalists; government officials’ hate speech and
Operation Restore Order/Murambatsvina are discussed.
In chapter five of the thesis, and in line with image science, the iconic pictures selected for this
study are studied using Marotzki and Stoetzer’ (2006) model of pictorial analysis. Therefore,
eight still pictures and two moving pictures (videos) depicting Zimbabwe’s political and
economic crisis are studied. The study of these pictures is conducted in order to understand the
18
pictures under study vis-à-vis their interpretation by the respondents. The results of such
analysis are compared with those from the respondents albeit in a tacit or subtle manner. It was
important for the researcher to understand the meaning of the pictures selected for this study,
hence, their analysis using Marotzki and Stoetzer’s (2006) model of pictorial analysis. Chapter
six tackles the first research question which deals with how the pictures under study are
generally interpreted by the respondents. As such, the chapter is concerned about the discussion
and analysis of the data gathered from the respondents. Therefore, chapter six covers among
other issues; respondents’ thoughts, feelings, memories, descriptions and remarks in relation
to the pictures under study. The chapter also discusses the pitfalls of relying on pictures. The
chapter also contains a section which compares the way the researcher and the respondents
interpreted the pictorial material in question.
Equally crucial to this thesis is chapter seven which tackles the second and third research
questions of this study. Accordingly, the chapter focuses on the pictures under study vis-à-vis
the national image of Zimbabwe and economic dynamics. In short, the chapter focuses on the
respondents’ views about the pictorial images in question, in light of the national image of
Zimbabwe the country’s economic trajectory. Crucially, it is worth the chapter tackles the
second research question of the study which is premised on the respondents’ remarks vis-à-vis
the national image of Zimbabwe. Also, chapter seven focuses on the third and last research
question of the study which focuses on the respondents’ remarks in relation to Zimbabwe’s
economy. Thus, chapter seven of this study is important as it addresses two research question
of this study. Chapter eight is the conclusion of the study and therefore summarises the findings
of this study. Also, the chapter highlights the significance of the study as well as recommending
areas for further research. The chapter also includes some concluding remarks.
19
Chapter 2: Literature Review
"If ever I have seen further [than certain other people], it is by standing upon the shoulders of
giants," [Isaac Newton to Robert hook in 1675] (Knopf and McMenamin, 1998: 101).
2
Introduction
Newton’s statement above has been generally interpreted as an acknowledgement that his
discoveries were made possible due to existing knowledge and writings of his fellow scientists.
It is rare for one to come up with ground breaking research findings without any reference to
existing knowledge in his or her field. Therefore, this study is of no exception. The purpose of
this chapter is to review literature that is associated with the theoretical, conceptual,
methodological and key thematic trajectories that underpin this study. Accordingly, various
scholarly works are reviewed in a bid to identify their relevance, convergence, divergence,
shortcomings or gaps and how this study will bridge such a scholarship lacuna. Only sources
that are of paramount significance in terms of relevance to this study are reviewed.
2.1
The Study of Images
The pictures under study were not dealt with from a general and vague perspective. To that
end, the work of iconologist, W.J.T. Mitchell, who is a leading name in the area of the study
of images and visual culture, became essential in terms of theoretical and conceptual insights.
The pictures under study were analysed from an image science (under the rubric of iconology)
point of view and to that end, Mitchell’s (2015) book entitled: Image Science: Iconology,
Visual Culture and Media Aesthetics was essential. In terms of the analysis of pictures, the
afore-mentioned text by Mitchell (2015) provides a detailed account on iconology; what it is
and its evolution over space and time. In terms of the definition of iconology, Mitchell’s (2013)
interview at the Central European University in Budapest stands out. In the interview in
question, he defines iconology as the study of images across the media which include; images
that move between television, painting, photography, sculpture, the digital image in the
computer and what how they affect us emotionally, intellectually and cognitively.
In Iconology, Text and Ideology, Mitchell (1986) also tackles iconology and the idea of imagery
(including the definition of images and the image family tree). Therefore, Mitchell’s (1986)
work provides a foundation in the understanding of the genesis of the idea of images, hence its
relevance to this study.
In What do Pictures Really Want? Mitchell (1996) treats pictures as living or biological entities
with needs, wants and desires worth interrogating. The idea that pictures could be treated as
20
biological entities is related to another work by Mitchell (1994) which dwells on “Picture
Theory” which is basically an attempt to tackle the problem of having “a thousand words about
pictures” and “not...yet a satisfactory theory about them.” The Language of Images, is
Mitchell’s (1980:3) articles which dwells on three issues: (1) language about images (the words
we use to talk about pictures); (2) images regarded as a language: the semantic, syntactic,
communicative power of images to encode messages, tell stories, express ideas and emotions,
raise questions and “speak” to us; (3) verbal language as a system informed by images, literally
in the graphic form of writing systems or “visible language.” The above-mentioned article by
Mitchell (1980) dovetails with the aim and research questions of this study as it focuses on the
words used to describe images and their effects; hence, its relevance to the study. In There Are
No Visual Media, Mitchell (1998) advances the thesis that there are no media that are “purely
visual” because all media are mixed due to their inherent tendency to combine sound, pictures,
gestures, and text.
Another key figure in visual culture and iconology is Erwin Panofsky. In relation to this study,
Panofsky’s (1939) seminal book entitled: Studies in Iconology: Humanistic Themes in the Art
of the Renaissance is key as it provides an important baseline for the study of the pictures
selected for this study. The book contains a three-layered model for the study of art work
(including pictures): (1) primary or natural subject matter (pre-iconographic level); (2)
secondary or conventional subject matter (iconographic analysis); and (3) intrinsic meaning or
content (iconological interpretation). Panofsky’s model is illustrated and applied in chapter five
of this thesis. Despite Panofsky’s (1939) three-step model is often accused of having
overlooked mise-en-scene which is also crucial when it comes to the study of images. Basically,
mise-en-scene deals with lighting, colour, background, distance, position of the camera, etc. In
a bid to bridge Panofsky’s (1939) omission, Marotzki and Stoetzer (2006) developed a four-
step model of pictorial analysis inclusive of mise-en-scene, which the former is often accused
of having overlooked. The four steps in the afore-mentioned model are; (1)
denotation/Objektebene;
(2)
connotation/Ordnung
der
Objekte;
(3)
mise-en-
scene/orchestration and (4) synthesis. Marotzki and Stoeter’s (2006) model has been employed
in chapter five as a tool of analysing the pictures under study. Marotzki and Stoetzer’s (2006)
model was also employed by Heinrich and Stahl (2013) in their work which deals with pictorial
stereotypes in the Euro Debt Crisis.
21
Concerning the effects of images on their consumers, Fishman’s (2017) work entitled: Death
Makes the News: How the Media Censor and Display the Dead, is crucial. Fishman’s (2017)
central argument is that whenever a disaster occurs, photojournalists always choose a photo
that “will make a cut” from amongst a pool of numerous photos because such photos “sell.”
Fishman’s (2017) idea of photos that “make a cut” fits neatly into Sturken and Cartwright’s
(2009) idea of iconic images employed both as a concept and method for the selection of
pictures under study. Fishman’s (2017) work, just like this study, also tackles videos. Fishman’s
(2017) work is also related to the “CNN effect.” A towering figure in relation the CNN effect
is Robinson (2005:344) who describes it as a phenomenon encapsulated by the idea of a media-
driven foreign policy associated with the 24-hour news cycle from international news stations
such as the CNN. The CNN effect scholars emphasize on the importance of television imagery
in relation to this phenomenon. Therefore, the work of Robinson (2002; 20005), Perlmutter
(2005), Sharkey (1992), Vilmer (2013), Havens (2001) and Ammon (2001) should is key in
terms of the CNN effect.
This study also deals with the pictures under study vis-à-vis the national image of Zimbabwe.
Literature relating to national images is therefore key. Apart from defining what a national
image is, Kunczik (2013) discusses the politics of national currencies on the national image of
countries, using Germany as its case study. Congruently, Boulding (1961) defines national
images and elaborates on how they develop through social interactions (through family
members and friends) over time and through propaganda and state institutions. Importantly,
Boulding (1961) also talks about national images that are imposed through propaganda and
state institutions. However, Boulding’s (1961) work suffers from lack of specificity in as much
as pictures and this study is concerned. In their article entitled: “Reframing national image: A
methodological framework,” Li and Chitty (2009) advance the theory of framing as a model
for the analysis of national images. The model includes public frames (media representation)
and private frames (public perception).
The issue of memory is of paramount importance especially when it comes to pictures related
to violence and state atrocities. An important text in that regard is by Assmann (2015) and is
entitled “Theories of Cultural Memory and the Concept of ‘Afterlife’” and mainly deals with
the issue of cultural memory vis-à-vis the past, present and the future especially in the context
of the holocaust.
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2.1.1 Visual Culture
Although this study borrows from political science, it is largely grounded in media studies,
specifically in visual cultures. To that end, reviewing literature related to visual culture is
crucial. Two important names that often protrude in relation to visual culture are Nicholas
Mirzoeff and W.J.T Mitchell. In his book entitled: An Introduction to Visual Culture, Mirzeoff
(1998) elucidates on what visual culture is. From his perspective, visual culture is “concerned
with visual events in which information, meaning or pleasure is sought by the consumer in an
interface with visual technology.” He adds that: “By visual technology, I mean any form of
apparatus designed either to be looked at or to enhance natural vision from oil painting to
television and the internet” (Mirzeoff, 1998). Therefore, Mirzeoff’s work on visual culture
especially his definition thereof, is key to this study, particularly when it is borne in mind that
this thesis deals with how information, meaning and pleasure (pictures under study) is sought
by the consumer (respondents/EU officials) in an interface with visual technology (television).
Showing Seeing: A Critique of Visual Culture by Mitchell (1998) is another important work in
visual culture as it differentiates between visual culture and visual studies.
Another important work is a book edited by Evan and Hall (1999) entitled: Visual Culture: the
reader. The text in question contains an introductory chapter written by Evan and Hall (1999)
entitled “What is Visual Culture?” which deals with what visual culture is and the importance
of the image in both visual and popular cultures. In an article entitled: “The Image World,”
Evan and Hall (1999) accord much emphasis on the importance of images not only in the
context of visual culture but also in the construction of meaning and reality of social situations.
Evan and Hall’s (1999) book also contains: “The social definition of photography” by Bourdieu
(1999) which gravitates around the idea that photography is considered to be a perfectly
realistic and objective recording of the visible world which makes photographs more “realistic”
and “objective.” Another important concept linked to visual culture and also employed in this
study, is the concept of iconic images, a concept borrowed from Sturken and Cartwright’s
(2009) seminal work entitled: Practices of Looking: An Introduction to Visual Culture.
Congruently, this study focuses on iconic images. Sontag’s (2013) work, Regarding the Pain
of Others, deals with the perception and manipulation of war images. The text puts into
consideration themes such as gender, culture and social hierarchy vis-à-vis the war imagery in
question. Sontag’s (2013) text which focuses on war victims from Israel and Afghanistan
emphasizes on how such images could lead to peace and revenge.
23
2.1.2 Zimbabwe’s Crisis and International Media Publicity
Since this study deals with pictures related to Zimbabwe’s political and economic crisis,
literature related to events (land reform exercise, political violence and economic decline)
associated with the afore-mentioned crisis is worth reviewing. Mandikwaza (2016), Ndlovu-
Gatsheni (2009) and (2006; 2009) underscores the violence that was associated with the land
reform programme. In addition, Ndlela (2005) also gives an account of the land reform
programme and the violence that was associated with it which consequently attracted
significant international media attention. However, the work of the afore-mentioned scholars
does not put any emphasis on the images of violence from the land reform programme, let
alone their effects to their consumers (EU officials in this case). This is despite the fact that
Willem (2011) highlights the massive media attention on Zimbabwe which included the
production of documentaries by international media stations, particularly the BBC. Even
Ndlela’s (2005) work mentions albeit in a subtle manner, the aspect of images (from the
international media) depicting violence during the land reform programme. However, such
pictures are largely in the periphery of his work. This study therefore seeks to delve on this
missing link.
Makumbe’s (2006) article entitled: “Electoral Politics in Zimbabwe: Authoritarianism Versus
the People,” is key as it highlights the history of electoral violence in Zimbabwe.
Correspondingly, Bratton and Masunungure’s (2011) work traces among other issues, political
violence from as early as the 1980s during the Gukurahundi epoch to the early and late 2000s.
Importantly, Bratton and Masunungure (2011) highlights the effect of pictures of opposition
MDC leader, the late Morgan Tsvangirai and his colleagues after their brutal attack at a rally
in Harare in March 2007. The two authors specifically mention that the above-mentioned
images (broadcasted on international media) caused public outcry from the EU and other
western powers. This makes their work relevant to this study. A book edited by Masunungure
(2009) entitled: Defying the Winds of Change: Zimbabwe's 2008 Elections, which includes
contributions by Masunungure (2009), Linington (2009) and Makumbe (2009) is key in
unpacking political and electoral violence that was unleashed on opposition supporters by the
ruling party in Zimbabwe, ZANU PF in 2007. However, the book does not delve on pictures,
let alone the reaction of the EU thereof.
24
Makumbe’s (2009) article entitled: “The impact of democracy in Zimbabwe: Assessing
political, social and economic developments since the dawn of democracy,” accords adequate
attention to the economic woes (including hyperinflation) that have bedevilled Zimbabwe since
the late 1990s. In the same vein, Bratton and Masunungure’s (2011) provide a clear account on
the state of the country’s economy and how it declined over space and time. In addition to that,
Magaisa’s (2015) work reveals how Zimbabwe’s intervention in the DRC War (1998-1999)
destabilized the country’s economic fortunes. Moreover, the literature which tackles the
country’s economic decline also accords scant attention to pictures depicting the same
economic quagmire.
Fanon’s (1965) work, “The Pitfalls of National Consciousness” help to a larger extent to
understand the challenges of post-independence Africa such as corruption and political
violence. Fanon (1965) traces such problems to the lack of skills, political will and
impoverished backgrounds of the African leadership which assumes after independence. His
text is important in terms of understanding the context of Zimbabwe’s economic decline and
political violence. However, his works make no mention of pictures. From the reviewed
literature in this section, only Ndlela (2009), Willem (2011) and Bratton and Masungure (2011)
highlight the issue of media images vis-à-vis the Zimbabwe Crisis. This study therefore intends
to fill such a scholarship gap.
2.2
Summary
This section reviewed literature that was essential for this study. As such the chapter dealt with
the work of scholars whose work tackles visual culture and iconology such as Mitchell, Evan,
Hall, Mirzeoff, Panofsky, Marotzki and Stotzer and Heinrich and Stahl. In addition, the chapter
reviewed literature associated with the land reform programme, political violence and
economic decline in Zimbabwe. Therefore, the work of scholars such as Ndlovu-Gatsheni,
Bratton and Masunungure, Willem, Makumbe, Magaisa, Linington and Mandikwaza, among
others, was reviewed. The purpose of the literature was to identify the strengths and
shortcomings of the literature in question vis-à-vis its relevance to the study.
25
Chapter 3: Theoretical and Conceptual Framework
3 Introduction
This chapter discusses the theoretical and conceptual discourse of this study in a detailed and
specific fashion. The main theory that was utilised in this study is image
science/Bildwissenschaft applied under the rubric of iconology. In addition, the chapter
attempts to draw a distinction between iconology and iconography. The idea of imagery which
includes the image family tree is also discussed. This chapter further discusses the concept of
“iconic images” and the key features or characteristics of iconic images which were also used
as a criterion for the selection of the pictures in question under study. Other concepts that are
discussed in this chapter include; iconoclasm, iconophobia, iconophilia and iconodules. Since
this study is rooted in visual culture, this chapter begins by discussing this academic and social
paradigm. The CNN effect and the theory of framing and the concept of national images are
also discussed in this chapter. The theoretical and conceptual discourses mentioned above are
discussed in relation to the aims and objectives of this study. Apart from discussing the
synergies that exist between and among the above-mentioned theories and concepts, this
section also discusses how the theoretical and conceptual framework in question is relevant to
this study.
3.1
Visual Culture
This section therefore seeks to discuss visual culture in a detailed and specific manner. Irvine
(2011) observes that visual culture’s focus is twofold as it merges popular and "low" cultural
forms (media and communications) and “high" cultural forms (fine art, design, and
architecture). By the same token, this study focused on the former dimension of visual culture
as it dealt with iconic pictures from international television stations and how they are
interpreted by EU officials. Since the pictures in question were drawn from the television, they
are therefore associated with the media and popular culture that is associated with “low”
cultural forms of visual culture. But what exactly is visual culture? This section seeks to answer
this question, as well as highlighting visual culture’s relevance to the study. Also, the
relationship between visual culture and the broader theoretical and conceptual discourse that
underpin this study will be discussed in this section.
Mitchell (2015:9) claims that visual culture, in contrast to iconology, is a fairly recent object
of study. Accordingly, Mitchell (2015:6) defines visual culture as: “the study of visual
perception and representation, especially the social construction of the field of visibility...” A
26
more nuanced definition of visual culture is by Mirzoeff (1998:3) who notes that: “Visual
culture is concerned with visual events in which information, meaning or pleasure is sought by
the consumer in an interface with visual technology. By visual technology, I mean any form of
apparatus designed either to be looked at or to enhance natural vision from oil painting to
television and the internet.” Mirzoeff’s (1998:3) definition seem to fit neatly in the context of
this research considering that the researcher is concerned about visual events (depicted by
images under study) that are sought by the consumer (EU officials) in an interface with visual
technology (television).
The study of images (or pictures in the case of this study) cannot be divorced from visual
culture. To that end, Morgan (2005:33) posits that: “The study of visual culture is the analysis
and interpretation of images and the ways of seeing (or gazes) that configure the agents,
practices, conceptualities, and institutions that put images to work.” In addition, the study of
visual culture can also lead to the understanding of the meaning of images in the context of
social situations. “Images are produced by and in turn help construct the social realities that
shape the lives of human beings. The study of visual culture scrutinizes not only images but
also the practices that put images to use. This means social, cultural, intellectual, and artistic
practices, since all of these helps make images meaningful” (Morgan, 2005:33). Accordingly,
visual culture is crucial in the study of images (including those under study) vis-à-vis social
and cultural dynamics of any given situation.
It is also worth mentioning that visual culture is a very broad in scope and character and is not
only associated with visual studies and humans, hence, Mitchell (2011) observes in a
presentation that:
My sense of visual culture is that visual culture is also non-academic, non-disciplinary. Like
language, like storytelling, like any other cultural activity, it is not an academic matter. It
permeates the entire sphere of social activity from entertainment to daily life to media...We
share vision with other living organism...vision transcends the animal kingdom as John Burges
says.
Futhermore, Mitchell (1998:87) clearly differentiates between visual culture and visual studies:
“Visual studies is the study of visual culture.” Therefore, visual studies is the discipline
whereas visual culture is the target of the study.
27
Partly due to its broadness in scope and character, visual culture has become associated with a
plethora of myths and misconceptions. Consequently, Mitchell (1998:90-91) highlights these
popular myths and counter-theses about visual culture in a bid to demystify it:
Ten myths about visual culture
1. Visual culture entails the liquidation of art as we have known it.
2. Visual culture accepts without question the view that art is to be defined by its working
exclusively through the optical faculties.
3. Visual culture transforms the history of art into a history of images.
4. Visual culture implies that the difference between a literary text and a painting is a non-
problem. Words and images dissolve into undifferentiated ‘representation.’
5. Visual culture implies a predilection for the disembodied, dematerialised image.
6. We live in a predominantly visual era. Modernity entails the hegemony of vision and visual
media.
7. There is a coherent class of things called ‘visual media.’
8. Visual culture is fundamentally about the social construction of the visual field. What we see,
and the manner in which we come to see it, is not simply part of a natural ability.
9. Visual culture entails an anthropological, and therefore unhistorical, approach to vision.
10. Visual culture consists of ‘scopic regimes’ and mystifying images to be overthrown by political
critique.
Eight counter-theses about visual culture
1. Visual culture encourages reflection on the differences between art and non-art, visual and
verbal signs, and ratios between sensory and semiotic modes.
2. Visual culture entails a meditation on blindness, the invisible, the unseen, the unseable, and the
overlooked; and also on deafness and the visible language of gesture; it also compels the
attention to the tactile, the auditory, the haptic, and the phenomenon of synethesia.
3. Visual culture is not limited to the study of images or media, but extends to everyday practices
of seeing and showing, especially those that we take to be unmediated. It is less concerned with
the meaning of images than with their lives and loves.
4. There are no visual media. All media are mixed, with varying ratios of senses and sign-types.
5. The disembodied image and the embodied artefact are permanent elements in the dialectics of
visual culture. Images are to pictures and works of art as species are to specimens in biology.
6. We do not live in a uniquely visual era. The ‘visual’ or ‘pictorial turn’ is a recurrent trope that
displaces moral and political panic onto images and so-called visual media. Images are
convenient scapegoats, and the offensive eye is ritually plucked out by ruthless clique.
7. Visual culture is the visual construction of the social, not just the social construction of vision.
The question of visual nature is therefore a central and unavoidable issue, along with the role
of animals as images and spectators.
8. The political task of visual culture is to perform critique without the comforts of iconoclasm.
From the myths and counter-theses of visual culture above, there are some that are notable in
terms of their relevance to this study. One of them is the standpoint that “all media are mixed.”
Television images like those selected for this study are accompanied by gestures (visible
language), sound, pictures and text. These properties make television images important even
to the blind and the deaf. For instance, the blind can listen to the television and attempt to
“visualise” the content whereas the deaf can see the gestures, text and pictures. As this study
will later reveal, the mixture of sound, text, audio, pictures and gestures makes television
28
pictures “potent” in terms of their effects, compared to other forms of media. The television is
a classic example of a “mixed media” hybrid.
Another notable point is the demystification of the notion that we live in a uniquely visual era
as well as the association of the ‘visual’ or ‘pictorial turn’ with the so-called ‘visual media’ and
modernity. Accordingly, Mitchell (2015:15) posits that:
The idea of a “turn” toward the pictorial is not confined to modernity or to contemporary visual
culture. Arrival of easel painting, the invention of photography were greeted as “pictorial turns”
and were seen as either wonderful or threatening, often both at the same time. The turn to
idolatry is often grounded on the fear that masses are being led by a false image, whether it is
an ideological concept or the figure of a charismatic leader...Pictorial turns are often linked with
the anxiety about the “new dominance” of the image...The pictorial turn...is not unique to our
time.
It is therefore important to understand that the “pictorial turn” is not unique to our time as there
are several pictorial turns throughout the history of visual culture. As mentioned above, the
pictorial turn is also not a phenomenon that is solely fixed to modernity, contemporary visual
culture or the television image.
Since iconology is a key theory in as much as this study is concerned, the relationship between
visual culture and iconology is worth highlighting. Mitchell (2015:6-7) observes that:
“Iconology opens the border to the image, the fundamental unit of effect and meaning in art
history. Visual culture opens the border to the specific sensory channel through which the
“visual arts” necessarily operate...visual culture provides one of the principal channels for the
circulation of images, constituting the primary (but not exclusive) domain of their appearance
and disappearance…” Therefore, there are synergies between and among images, iconology
and visual culture which makes the three important to this study especially when the aim of
this research is borne in mind. Therefore, it could be said that visual culture, images and
iconology are deeply interconnected.
3.1.1 Visual Culture, Technology and Perception
This section discusses the nexus between and among visual culture, technology and perception
in relation to this study. There is a close link between and among visual culture, technology
and perception. In the preceding section, Mirzoef’s (1998:3) definition of visual culture
revealed that visual culture is concerned with visual events in which information, meaning or
pleasure is sought by the consumer in an interface with visual technology. In the same breath,
Mirzoef (1998:3) elaborated the term “visual technology” as a reference to any form of
apparatus designed either to be looked at or to enhance natural vision from oil painting to
29
television and the internet. Therefore, Mirzoef’s description shows the intimacy that exists
between visual culture and technology. In turn, technology impacts on our perception of
situations and events, hence, Wiegel’s (2010:3) observation and argument that, technology has
permeated every aspect of our society to the extent that it has become impossible to evade its
effects. One of the effects of technology that is mentioned by scholars such as Wiegel (2010),
Mamur (2012) and Mitchell (1992) is its ability to shape perceptions on its consumers.
Therefore, this section discusses this phenomenon.
Since this study focuses on television pictures, technology related the pictures in question and
how it affects perception will be discussed. Perlmutter (2005:112) mentions technological
advancement which has facilitated the production and movement of television pictures: the
invention of photography (1840s); the miniature still camera, and roll film (1880s); radio-
wireless transmissions of data (1895); Leica single-lens reflex camera (1925); the “wire”
(1930s); colour photography (1950s); satellite transmission (1962); video and fibre-optic glass
tubing (1970s); and the commercial use of Internet, digital photography, and cell phones
(1990s). As shall be shortly discussed, such inventions affected the way we perceive events
and situations around the world.
The invention of the camera, satellite, television and internet has accelerated the movement of
pictures through space and time; a phenomenon related to viral images. As chapter six of this
thesis will show, pictures selected for this study went viral, stirred emotions and caused public
outcry. Technology played an important role to that effect. As shall also be indicated in chapter
seven of this study, such images also caused a negative perception about Zimbabwe, from the
point of view of the respondents. Also, technology has made it possible for international
television stations like the CNN to broadcast live images during broadcasting. This study
revealed that live images are more live and have a tendency to bring the viewers closer to the
situations and consequently impact on their perception.
In addition to that, technology has made it easy to “manipulate” pictures according to
expediency. By the same token, Perlmutter (2005:114) notes that: “Now that pictures are
amalgamations of pixels, any foreign scene can be faked or altered via "Photoshopping" digital-
editing software. Many such doctored shots now fly through the Internet and e-mail, and some
have even broken into traditional media, to the embarrassment of newspapers and
broadcasters.” The fact that pictures can be “faked” means that even the perception of their
consumers is affected especially when it remains unknown to the viewers that they consumed
30
“fake” images. Chapter six of this thesis also discusses how pictures can be manipulated for
parochial gain.
Technology also assists journalists during the process of framing, in terms of editing of
pictures, which pictures to broadcast, how to present them, when and how many times. In line
with the theory of framing, Li and Chitty (2012) mention projected images of nations which
basically refers to countries’ perception through in relation to their projection in the media.
This shows a link between technology and perception and how technology ultimately impacts
on perception. Closely linked to perception is ideology which is also shaped by technology
(Viegel, 2010:3). In the same wavelength, Martin Heidegger cited in Viegel (2010:3) argues
that: “It is impossible for man to imagine a position outside technology.” In relation to this
study, it can be said that technology shaped the perceptions and ideological inclinations of the
respondents vis-à-vis the pictures selected for this study.
3.2
Image Science/Bildwissenschaft
Image science mainly guided this study. As highlighted earlier on, this study explored how
iconic pictures selected for this study were interpreted by the respondents. Therefore, the
pictures in question were dealt with from an image science perspective. W.J.T Mitchell is a
key proponent of image science. From an image science point of view, images are treated as
“the object of science, something to be tested, experimented with, described and explained, in
accordance with the most rigorous scientific methods” (Mitchell, 2015:23). In the same vein,
Mitchell (2015:23) adds that image science “treats images as objects of scientific investigation
and not merely as useful tools in the service of scientific knowledge.” Therefore, image science
is a “scientific” approach to the study of images as opposed to a general, speculative and
undefined trajectory. The “scientific” study of images including iconic images selected for this
study was important in the context of the avoidance of reaching generalised or “unscientific”
conclusions. Importantly, as revealed by Mitchell (2015) above, image science also involves
the description and explanation of images in a “scientific” fashion. This is dovetails with the
aim of this study which is to explore how the pictures selected for this study are interpreted by
the respondents.
Since image science falls under the post-Panofsky era of iconology, it is classified under what
Mitchell (2015:8) calls “critical iconology.” As highlighted above in this section, image science
gives researchers and scholars a window of opportunity to “scientifically” study images.
Therefore, the fundamental question which cries out for a response is: how should images be
31
scientifically studied or analysed? In a bid to tackle this question, Mitchell (2015:26) poses
other questions which include; whether an image is something to be tested, experimented with,
described and explained, in accordance with the most rigorous scientific methods or whether
to run an experiment on it, or investigate material particles in an oil painting. After posing these
questions, Mitchell (2015:26-27) attempts to provide an answer by proposing what the study
of images should put into consideration in its approach:
The science appropriate to the study of images ...also has to be an optical science, one that pays
attention to visual perception and imagination, to optical illusions, reflections, transparency and
translucence. The science of images then would have to consider not just material objects but
also the spaces between objects and the light that is transmitted from one thing to another. In
so far as images appear in non-visual media like language, a science of images would have to
engage with linguistics, with psycholinguistics, and with the study of logical as well as spatial
relations. Since images are generally defined as icons or signs by similarity, it would have to
be a science of similitude, analogy, and likeness, as well as dissimilarity, adjacency, and
difference. ...Image science would have to be ...an empirical study of the conditions of human
perception, of the centres of pattern recognition, image formation, and transformation in the
brain and the mind...The science of imagery could be about a pattern of recognition. It would
have to include misrecognition, fantasy, dreaming and hallucination. It would have to be about
memory images, and also about false memory, and the dubious status of “recovered memory.”
From Mitchell’s (2015) submission above, it can be deduced that image science is a broad
theoretical paradigm consisting of an array of methods of “scientific” enquiry which cut across
different fields and disciplines. Also, image science involves the study of images vis-a-vis
memory, language, perceptions, and icons, among others. This is in line with this study which
was also interested in the respondents’ utterances, thoughts, memories and feelings in relation
to the iconic pictures selected for this study. The following section deals with iconology and
iconography.
3.3
Iconology and Iconography
Iconology, which is also known as “the theory of images,” is “the study of the “logos” (the
words, ideas, discourse or “science”) of “icons” (images, pictures, or likenesses)” (Mitchell,
1986:1). In his interview at the Central European University in Budapest, Mitchell (2013)
defined iconology as the study of images across the media (television, painting, photography,
sculpture, and computer), how to interpret the meaning of such images, and how they affect us
emotionally, intellectually, and cognitively. In short, iconology is the study of the
multidimensional aspects of images which includes their movement, description, appearance
and effects. Therefore, iconology dovetails with this study since it focused on the respondents’
interpretation of iconic images related to Zimbabwe’s political and economic crisis.
32
Iconology, which nowadays includes the study of non-artistic images including biological
images, is very ancient. Mitchell (2015:7) traces it back to at least the Renaissance Cesare
Ripa’s Iconologia, and to Philostratus’ Imagines. Equally important to mention is iconology’s
acknowledgment that apart from the visual image, there are also verbal and acoustic images
and that iconology is also concerned about tropes, figures, and metaphors as with visual and
graphic motifs, as much as with formal gestures in auditory time, sculptural-architectural space
as with pictures on a wall or screen (Mitchell, 2015:7). In many respects, visual culture and
iconology dovetail considering the fact that they both focus on various kinds of images
including verbal and other forms of intangible images like mental images.
Although W.T.J Mitchell is an iconologist of note, Erwin Panofsky is regarded as one of the
leading scholars in iconology, hence Mitchell’s (1986:8) admission that: “If linguistic has its
Saussure and Chomsky, iconology has its Panofsky...” For the analysis and interpretation of
artwork (images), Panofsky (1939) developed a three-layered model which consists of the three
stages of studying images: (1) primary or natural subject matter (pre-iconographic analysis);
(2) secondary or conventional subject matter (iconographic analysis); and (3) intrinsic meaning
or content (iconological interpretation). One of the striking features of Panofsky’s model is the
fusion of iconology and iconography, hence, Mitchell (2015:7-8) observes that in Erwin
Panofsky’s classical formulation (restricted to the visual image) iconology includes the study
of iconography, the historical study of the meanings of specific images, and goes beyond it to
explore the ontology of images as such, and the conditions under which images attain historical
significance. Therefore, Panofsky’s also focused on the meaning of images vis-à-vis their
historical and cultural contexts. As shall be shown in the fifth chapter, Marotzki and Stoetzer’s
(2006) model of analysing pictures, borrows heavily from Panofsky (1939).
In the post Panofsky era, iconology has undergone a fundamental evolution. According to
Mitchell (2015:8), Post Panofsky era iconology, also known as “critical iconology,” includes
“metapictures” or reflexive, self-critical forms of imagery, the relation of images to language,
mental imagery, fantasy and memory; the theological and political status of images in the
phenomena of iconoclasm and iconophobia; and the distinction between images and pictures.
In the same breath, Mitchell (2015:8) adds that:
Iconology is now linked to the realm of sciences, investigating the role of images in scientific
research in the phenomenon of the “natural” image...advancement of life science has
revolutionised the ancient conception of the image as an “imitation of life.” Biotechnology has
made it possible to make a living image of life-form in the process known as cloning...invention
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of computers have led to “biocybernetic reproduction” characterised by the appearance of the
“biodigital picture.”
From the above submission, it could be deduced that iconology in the post-Panofsky era
(critical iconology) has become broad in scope and character, hence, its association with
“natural” images and processes like “cloning,” “biocybernetic reproduction” and “biodigital
pictures.” However, “natural images” are outside the scope of this study. Since image science
is an important theoretical discourse of this study, it is worth mentioning that it is also
categorised under critical iconology.
The post-Panofsky or critical iconology theoretical paradigm draws a demarcating line between
iconology and iconography. Guilini (n.d) notes that, for centuries, the terms iconography and
iconology were used interchangeably to mean one and the same thing. In the same vein, Giulini
(n.d) observes that, the terms iconology and iconography were studied from a historical,
etymological, and artistic point of view which assumed that the two were equivalents (Giulini,
n.d). However, it is Erwin Panofsky who later made a clear distinction between the two, hence,
Giulini (n.d) notes that Panofsky’s definition which treats iconography as the study and
identification of subject matter in an art and iconology as the study of their intrinsic meaning,
is widely accepted. By the same token, iconography is the description, classification, and
interpretation of the subject matter of a work of art or image (Encyclopedia.com, 2005:1). On
the other hand, iconology is "the description, classification, or analysis of meaning or
symbolism in the visual arts that takes into account the tradition of pictorial motifs and their
historical, cultural, and social meaning" (Baca, 2002:89).
Additionally, Mitchell (2015) observes that iconology is the theory of images whereas
iconography is the lexical sorting of different kinds of images. In short, iconography leans
towards content and subject matter of work of art (or images) whereas iconology is concerned
with meaning and symbolism of a work of art (or images), from a historical and cultural point
of view. Iconology and iconography could also be described as two sides of the same coin,
hence, Mitchell (2015:7) mentions that iconology includes the study of iconography. This study
focused on the meaning of the pictures under study from the point of view of the respondents,
hence, the relevance of iconology as it deals with the meaning and symbolism of the works of
art or images.
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3.4
The Idea of Imagery, Image Family Tree and Forms of Images
Since this study deals with pictorial and other forms of images, it is therefore important to
understand the origins of the idea of imagery. The idea of imagery is a concept associated with
Mitchell (1986:31) who traces it from the biblical Book of Genesis where the account of man’s
creation in the “image” and “likeness” of God is outlined. What is important is the word
“likeness” as it is related to similitude or resemblance. Thus, the image is the perception of a
relationship of likeness or resemblance or analogous form-what C.S Peirce defined as the
“iconic sign,” a sign whose intrinsic sensuous qualities resemble those of some other object
(Mitchell, 2015:16). However, in the case of man being created in the “image” of God, caution
should be taken as Mitchell (1986:31) warns that many commentators have cautioned that the
word “image” is to be understood not as a “picture” but as “likeness,” a matter of spiritual
similarity.
Fig. 1: The Image Family Tree
Source: Mitchell (1986:10)
The diagram above is a graphic illustration of the idea of imagery and the image family tree.
The diagram shows how broad images are in terms of scope and character. The idea of imagery
is associated with various kinds of images. In his description of images, Mitchell (1986:10)
outlines the different kinds of images: “We speak of pictures, statues, optical illusions, maps,
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diagrams, dreams, hallucinations, spectacles, projections, poems, patterns, memories, and even
ideas as images.” The multiplicity of images is also confirmed by Berger (2008) who observes
that: “Like fish, we “swim” in a sea of images, and these images help shape our perceptions of
the world and of ourselves.” The diagram above shows five main families of images (optical,
graphic, mental, perceptual and verbal) which are also divided into sub units. The pictorial
images selected for this study fall under graphic images in the image family tree. However, the
most relevant types of images to this study are; mental, verbal, perceptual, optical, pictorial
and biological images.
Mental images manifest themselves in form of memories, dreams and hallucinations. Unlike
real pictures, mental images are abstract and not tangible; hence, we cannot point to them and
say: “There- that is a mental image” (1986:17). By the same token, Mitchell (1986:13) adds
that: “Mental images don’t seem to be stable and permanent the way real images are, and they
vary from one person to the next: if I say “green,” some listeners may see green in the mind’s
eye, but some may see a word, or nothing at all.” This indicates the subjectivity and fluidity
associated with mental images.
Most respondents to the study remembered the pictures under study in form of mental images
which makes them an important part of this study. As shown in the image family tree above,
mental images consist of ideas, dreams, memories and fantasmata. Also, Mitchell (2015:27)
links image science to the study of images in the context of fantasy, dreaming and hallucination,
memory images, false memory, and the dubious status of “recovered memory.” Therefore,
mental images are important in the realm of image science, which is important particularly
when it is born in mind that image science is the main theory utilized for the purposes of this
study.
Another important form of images are verbal images. Mitchell (1986:24) notes that accurate,
precise descriptions produce images that “come from verbal expressions” more vividly than
the “images which flow from objects” themselves. In the diagram above (image family tree)
verbal images consist of metaphors and descriptions. Mitchell (1986:21) describes verbal
imagery as: “metaphoric, figurative, or ornamented language.” Inflammatory rhetoric against
political opponents by Zimbabwe’s former President, Robert Mugabe could be classified under
verbal imagery. Also, graphic images are important for this study considering the fact that they
include pictures, designs and statues in Mitchell’s (1986:10) image family tree.
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Other relevant images that are oftentimes confused with mental images are perceptual images.
In the image family tree shown above, perceptual images are linked to “sense data,” “species”
and “appearance.” Therefore, it is worth highlighting that, sensation and perception are key
components of perceptual images. Perceptual images are reliant on the interconnected
processes of sensation and perception. Since perceptual images are often confused with mental
images, the following table shows the distinction between the two:
Table 1: Differences between Perceptual and Mental Images
Perceptual Images
Mental Images
With the body’s eye
In the mind’s eye
Vision: something present
Envisioning: something absent
Here and now (a bit like speaking)
Distant (a bit like writing)
In the present
Of the past (memory)
Inexhaustible detail
Criterial features
Finding meaning in the scene
Creating meaning from memory
Recognition
Remembering
The real
The imaginary (...and freedom)
Source: Kalantzis and Cope (2016)
3.5
Iconic Images and their Features
This section discusses the concept of iconic images and how it was used to select the pictures
for this study. As such, the definition, characteristics and criterion that was used to select the
iconic pictures for the study, is discussed. Although numerous pictures are taken and shared on
social media, television, movie theaters, newspapers, billboards, pamphlets, books and
magazines among other forms of media; not all pictures become eye catching, distinct, or
outstanding. Such exceptional and extraordinary pictures are termed “iconic” images. In light
of iconic images, Fishman (2017:1) observes:
As disaster, disease, accidents and violence persistently strikes, death makes a good copy. But
the words do not tell the whole story and so, as reports emerge, cameras are there at the
epicentre. At the scene, the camera creates an infinite number of images but only one or two
will get published.....With each catastrophe, photo editors at major news organisations will
examine thousands of images of devastation, looking for one that will make a cut.
Therefore, the photo that makes a “cut” becomes an iconic picture in relation to the event in
question. In relation to the definition of iconic images, Sturken and Cartwright (2009:36) posit:
“An icon is an image that refers to something outside of its individual components, something
(or someone) that has great symbolic meaning.” Therefore, an iconic image is an image that
carries significant and symbolic meaning in relation to certain events, situations, individuals or
objects. In the same wavelength, Almond (2013) notes that: “These are the dramatic images
that are embedded in our culture. They have come to define a historical event, a famous person
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-- or maybe even an entire generation.” Accordingly, “They're the proud images you see on
postage stamps, like the flag raisings at Iwo Jima and, later, Ground Zero. They are also the
images that depict terrible tragedies…We see these photos reproduced time and time again”
(Almond, 2013). Thus, iconic images are embedded in history and are images that portray
significant political, cultural and economic events.
Moreover, iconic images have portrayed happy and sad times throughout history. This is
evidenced by the diversity of situations and events that they portray: war, poverty, disease,
love, death, scientific discoveries, etc. Perlmutter (2005:110) describes some of the notable
iconic images throughout history: "Marines raising the flag at Iwo Jima," "Saigon"..."Rabin-
Arafat handshake," "Man standing against the tanks near Tiananmen," "Desecrated bodies of
American soldiers in Mogadishu," "World Trade Centre struck," "Toppling of Saddam's
statue," "Abuse of prisoners at Abu Ghraib,"...” A closer look at the afore-mentioned iconic
images reveals that they depict extraordinary and exceptional events.
When it comes to iconic images, Zimbabwe’s political and economic crisis is not an exception.
There are distinct images that are associated with the country’s crisis. Therefore, the
fundamental question which begs for an answer is: what qualifies images, including those
selected for this study, to be deemed iconic? The answer to this question lies on the
characteristics or central features of iconic images. This study used such features or
characteristics to determine the iconicity of the pictures in question. The study also put into
consideration the pictures that the respondents believed were iconic in the context of
Zimbabwe’s Crisis.
There are several characteristics that qualify images, including those selected for this study, to
be classified as iconic. These factors range from symbolism, rarity, emotionalism, repetition,
viral and the capacity to withstand the test of time, among other characteristics. Symbolism is
regarded by some scholars as a key characteristic of an iconic image. The image should be
significantly symbolic in relation to certain events, situations, individuals or objects for it to be
deemed iconic. For instance, Perlmutter (2005:117) notes that symbolism is an important
characteristic of an iconic image and that the image of a Chinese student standing in front of
the tanks in Tiananmen Square “came to symbolize the entire Tiananmen Spring movement.”
By the same token, the CNN (2016, September 27) notes that Che Guevara’s image taken at a
memorial service in Havana in 1960 has evolved into a “global symbol of rebellion against
social justice.” Another example of an image associated with symbolism is the image of the
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late Zimbabwe’s opposition MDC leader, Morgan Tsvangirai, after his assault by police in
Zimbabwe in March 2007. The Economist (2007, March 15) describes Tsvangirai’s battered
and swollen face in the image as “the face of oppression.” In other words, Tsvangirai’s image
became the symbol of state oppression in Zimbabwe. Sturken and Cartwright (2009:36) also
highlight “great symbolic meaning” as a key feature of an iconic image. Thus, symbolism is
one of the protruding characteristics of an iconic image. Below is an iconic image from the
CNN’s (2016, September 27) list of iconic images which became symbolic to the dire situation
during the Vietnam War in 1972.
Picture A
Children caught up in battle during the Vietnam War in 1972. The naked girl (middle) in the photograph
is Phan Thi Kim Phuc, informally known as the Napalm girl. The Pulitzer Prize-winning photograph
was taken at Trang Bang on June 8, 1972 (CNN (2016)/Nick Ut).
Another important characteristic of an iconic image is time factor. An iconic image usually
remains memorable for a lengthy period of time. Irby (2016) accords importance to memory
and time as important characteristics of an iconic image and cites the image of a man standing
in front of a tank in Tiananmen Square in 1989 and Rosa Parks refusing to give up her seat on
a segregated city bus in the US in 1955 as examples of how memorable iconic images are over
an extended period of time. Thus, iconic images have the capacity to withstand the test of time.
Some images are deemed iconic because of the feelings or reactions that they arouse. Sturken
and Cartwright (2009: 9) observe that: “These images can produce in us a wide array of
emotions and responses.” In relation to emotions as a characteristic of iconic images, Peter
39
Howe cited in Almond (2013) notes that: "I think the most important common denominator is
that they strike us on a very deep emotional level, and the emotions are usually some of the
deepest emotions that a human being can feel: heroism, fear, grief, joy." This view holds water
considering the amount of emotion aroused by images of “twin towers” bombings in relation
to the 9/11 attacks; a dead Syrian toddler who drowned in Turkey in 2015 and children under
siege during the US-Vietnam War, among other emotional iconic images. Also, some iconic
images are associated with anxiety. For instance, former Barrack Obama’s White House
photographer, Pete Souza who shot the Bin Laden raid image in the White House situation
room noted that the image represents: “one of the most anxiety filled periods of time, I think,
in the lives of the people who were assembled” (CNN, 2016, September 27). Therefore, iconic
images have the capacity to trigger an array of emotions on individuals.
Linked to emotions are iconic images’ capability to induce public outcry which sometimes
ultimately alter policymaking and implementation trajectories. To that end, Perlmutter
(2005:110) argues that: “The claims about the powers of these icons are almost unlimited: they
drive public opinion, they overturn government agendas, they force policy, they make history-
they change the world.” A case in point are iconic images of starving children in Somalia which
caused the US to intervene and those of dead US soldiers being dragged on the streets of
Mogadishu which forced the US to abort the same mission in 1993 (Sharkey, 1993; Perlmutter,
2005). Perlmutter (2005:118) describes the images and the reaction they caused to the US as
“Entrance Icons vs. Exit Icons.” In Zimbabwe, Bratton and Masunungure (2011) observe that
the image of Morgan Tsvangirai and his colleagues after their attack by state security agents in
2007 caused public outcry especially with the US and the EU. The following image was taken
in Apartheid South Africa in 1976 and caused public outcry not only in South Africa but around
the world.
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Picture B
Eighteen-year-old Mbuyisa Makhubo carries away the lifeless body of 13-year-old Hector Peterson
after being shot by police in Apartheid South Africa during the “Soweto Uprising” of 1976. The
photograph was taken by The World photojournalist, Sam Nzima during a students’ protest in Soweto
on 16 June 1976 (Time (2016)/Sam Nzima).
The iconic picture above was taken by the late Sam Nzima amid a student protest during the
Apartheid era in South Africa. The image depicts 13-year-old Hector Peterson after being shot
by the police. Time (2016, June 15) notes that the picture galvanised the struggle against
Apartheid and that Nelson Mandela commented on the picture and said: “When we saw this
picture, we said enough is enough!” The Hector Peterson Museum was opened in honour of
the victim in the picture and many others who were not spared by the Apartheid regime’s brutal
machinery.
Some iconic images have a “celebrity” status associated with them as a defining iconic feature.
The CNN (2016, September 27) gives an example of Albert Einstein with his tongue stuck out
as such an image. Also, CNN (2016, September 27) notes that Einstein liked the image and
requested that eight copies be printed out for him; in a “celebrity” style, he signed the copies
which were later sold for vast amounts of money after his death. By the same logic, one could
also argue that the image of Armstrong and his colleagues (US astronauts who were the first to
land on the moon) carries a celebrity status considering its levels of popularity and admiration
around the world. In addition to that, Che Guevara’s image taken at a memorial service in
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Havana in 1960, which has also become a fashion sensation, could also be described as an
iconic image carrying a celebrity status.
Another characteristic of an iconic image that should not be overlooked is rarity. There are
numerous images that have been taken and distributed around the world, but iconic images
remain rare. In fact, Irby (2016) argues that, “The true iconic image is rare and unlike any other.
It is the sum of many elements, vetted against cultural, professional and historic standards. It
carries the weight of an entire story, even movement, in one photograph. It transports.
Audiences instantly share it and reporters tell stories using it as a critical visual backdrop.”
Thus, rarity is another important feature of an iconic image. Although there are numerous
images depicting Zimbabwe’s political and economic crisis, only a few protrude above the rest.
Lovelace (2010:35) mentions that repetition of images by the media as an iconic defining
characteristic: “These iconic photos have appeared repeatedly in the media, they have been
reused and repurposed by popular culture, and they appear in history books as visual
representations.” The repetition of iconic images by media houses is intimately linked with the
concept of viral images. A closer look indicates that the images selected for this study have
been repeatedly broadcasted by many international television channels and are arguably “viral”
images. In sum, iconic images, evoke emotions and public outcry, are rare, viral, symbolic and
withstand the test of time.
3.5.1 Iconoclasm, Iconophobia, Iconophilism and Iconodules
This section discusses iconoclasm, iconophobia, iconophilism and iconodules in relation to this
study. Mitchell (2015:27) defines iconoclasm as: “The effort to destroy images, usually for
political and religious reasons.” Iconoclasm is a very ancient phenomenon and scholars such
as Mitchell (2015) trace it back to the Bible’s Old Testament narrative where the Israelites’
Golden Calf was destroyed in a bid to roll back idolatry and debauchery: “And he took the calf
the people had made and burned it in the fire; then he ground it to powder, scattered it on the
water and made the Israelites drink it,” reads Exodus 32 Vs. 20 (The Holy Bible, New
International Version). In fact, before the Golden Calf iconoclasm scenario in Exodus 32, the
Israelites had been strongly and clearly warned against making any graven images in Exodus
20 Vs. 4 of the same books: “Thou shalt not make unto thee any graven image, or any likeness
of anything that is in heaven above, or that is in the earth beneath, or that is in the water beneath
the earth,” reads one of the Ten Commandments.
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Another classic example of ancient iconoclasm is the popular iconoclastic controversy in
Byzantium which is alluded to by scholars such as Kastner (1980), Crone (1998), Freedberg
(1990) and May (2012). The iconoclasm in question, which is chronicled in a fine-grained
fashion by Kastner (1980:140-144), occurred in two distinct phases: 726-780 c.e. and 814-843
c.e. The first phase was characterized by the famous decree to abolish icons by Emperor Leo
III in 726. Four years later, the 726 decree was followed by another which paved way for the
actual destruction of icons. Thereafter, violence broke out between the iconoclasts (destroyers
of icons) and the iconodules (venerators of icons). Iconoclasm in Byzantium stopped when
Empress Irene ascended to the throne in 780. However, a second and mildly violent phase of
iconoclasm in Byzantium emerged under Leo V in 814 and dissipated with the ascension to
power of Empress Theodora (an iconodule) in 842. Crone (1998) cites Islam as a catalyst in
terms of triggering iconoclasm in Byzantium.
Apart from the Byzantium iconoclasm classic example, Freedberg (1990) observes that post
Byzantium Europe’s iconoclasm especially in the Reformation in countries like England,
France and Germany remain a neglected phenomenon. In recent years, outside Europe,
religious fundamentalist and extremist groups like the Islamic State have been destroying
religious and political symbols and icons in Iraq and Syria (The New York Times, 2016, January
20). Terrorist organizations such as Boko Haram and Al-Shabaab are also associated with acts
of iconoclasm especially in Nigeria and Somalia respectively. In what fits neatly into
iconoclasm, islamophobic and right-wing extremist groups in the US have been accused of
vandalising mosques and other Islamic symbols (The Washington Post, 2017, August 8). Also,
Mitchell (2006) alerts us to the fact that the extremist Taliban fighters became notorious for
the destruction of sacred Buddhist icons in Afghanistan. In a bid to “decolonise” the University
of Cape Town and other public spaces in South Africa, students under the banner of the
#RhodesMustFall movement, toppled the statue of the late imperialist Cecil John Rhodes in
2015. Thus, iconoclasm remains a notable phenomenon even in the 21st century.
Acts of iconoclasm are not only limited to images but also to verbal and textual discourses. By
the same token, Mitchell (2015:32) posits that iconoclasm is not just the destruction of graven
images but also the purging of words and ideas to arrive at a purified language. In this regard,
one can say that even censorship of the press for political and religious gain could be classified
as an act of iconoclasm. As it shall be revealed in chapter six of this thesis, in Zimbabwe, at
the height of the land reform programme in the early 2000s most foreign and independent
43
media houses were banned in the country (Willem, 2011). Some copies of newspapers critical
of the government were destroyed on the streets by the ruling party’s (ZANU PF) fanatics and
supporters. Probably, the worst case was the bombing of the Daily News premises by suspected
state security agents in 2001 (BBC News, 2001, January 28). Such acts of destruction of
newspapers, images, cameras and censorship amount to what Mitchell’s (2015:32) terms the
“purging of words and ideas to arrive at a purified language” and fits neatly into the iconoclasm
grid.
In a lecture, and citing the image of the Taliban fighters during the destruction of Buddhist
sacred statues in 2001, Mitchell (2006) alerts us to the perspective that iconoclasm is always
double: it destroys an image but at the same time creates one, hence, “The destruction of an
image is also the production of an image” (Mitchell, 2006). Therefore, iconoclasm is not only
about destroying things but about producing an image of destruction as an ominous warning to
those who are concerned about the image being destroyed. The image of the bombing of the
Daily News printing premises in Zimbabwe in 2001 is a text book example of how an image
from an act of iconoclasm was used by the bombers as a warning to the private media and other
media houses deemed “hostile” to the government. Accordingly, Mitchell (2006) observes that:
“Iconoclasm is not to be a private act; the image of the destruction itself has to be seen to create
an impact.” The images of the bombing of the World Trade Centre during the 9/11 attacks is
also another classic example of how the destruction of an image created another image which
also served the purpose of instilling “terror” in the US and the broader Western world.
It is also important to note that acts of iconoclasm lead to reincarnation of the destroyed images.
Therefore, Michael Taussig argues that iconoclasm (the destruction or suppression of images)
is a sure way of guaranteeing them an even more potent presence in memory, or as reincarnated
in new forms, hence, the fundamental law of the physics of the image is that images cannot be
destroyed (Mitchell, 2015:32). As this research will later reveal, acts of iconoclasm
(persecution of journalists, destruction of their cameras and images, mutilation of newspapers
etc) by the state in Zimbabwe led to more media attention and the production of more
documentaries (and images) about the political and economic crisis in the country (Willems,
2011:94). This is arguably an example of how difficult it is to suppress visual and verbal images
even through brazen acts of iconoclasm.
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Apart from the antagonistic iconoclastic and iconodule leaning camps, there are also two other
opposed camps that feature prominently in iconology and visual culture in general: the
iconophobes and the iconophiles. Mitchell (1986:3) posits that: “Iconology turned out to be,
not just the science of icons, but the political psychology of icons, the study of iconophobia,
iconophilia, and the struggle between iconoclasm and idolatry.” Also, iconoclasm cannot be
discussed in isolation from iconopobia and iconophilia. Mitchell (2015) also suggests that
image science should address iconoclastic and iconophile camps. Since iconoclasm has been
addressed above, it is befitting to turn to iconophobia and iconophilia.
Iconophobia, which generally refers to the repugnance of icons and images, operates hand in
glove with iconoclasm: iconophobia leads to iconoclasm. Larsson (2012) posits that:
If iconophobia is defined as the suspicion and anxiety towards the power exerted by images, its
history is an ancient one in all of its Platonic, Christian, and Judaic forms. At its most radical,
iconophobia results in an act of iconoclasm, or the total destruction of the image. At the other
end of the spectrum, contemporary iconophobia may be more subtle. Images are simply
withdrawn from circulation with the aim of eliminating their visibility.
Three critical points protrude from the above quotation: (1) iconophobia causes suspicion and
anxiety about images; (2) iconophobia is a “highway” that leads to iconoclasm; and (3) modern
forms of iconophobia are subtle and include withdrawal of images from circulation
(censorship) in a bid to eliminate their visibility. In the context of Zimbabwe, one can say that
the government was anxious and suspicious about the images under study, hence, the resort to
eliminating such images especially from the state media. Oftentimes, the state in Zimbabwe
behaved in an iconophobic and iconoclastic fashion. Even iconoclastic acts by the state (e.g.,
bombing of the Daily News premises, destruction of journalists’ cameras and images) can be
traced back to iconophobia as the chief source which waters iconoclasm. Therefore, all the
cases of iconoclasm discussed in this chapter are deeply rooted in iconophobia.
On the other hand, iconophilia is directly the opposite of iconophobia. The Thesaurus
Dictionary defines an iconophile as: “one who loves icons, illustrations, pictures” as opposed
to one who hates and is anxious about icons and pictures (iconophobe). Moreover, iconoclasm
and iconophilism are related albeit in a contrary and antagonistic fashion, hence, Lendon (2016)
observes that: “Iconoclasm may be defined either as what attacks idolatry or as what destroys
iconophilia, two very different goals...the iconoclast dreams of an unmediated access to truth,
of a complete absence of images.” Accordingly, one can say that iconoclasm is the anti-thesis
of iconophilism. Iconophilia is intimately related with the idea of an iconodule (one who
45
reveres images and can take extreme measures to protect them). Therefore, when it comes to
the love and disdain of images, there are two opposed and antagonistic camps and dialectics:
iconoclasts and iconophobes on one hand and iconophiles and iconodules on the other. The
emergence of the camps mentioned above in Zimbabwe’s Crisis is discussed in chapter six of
this thesis. The following section discusses the CNN effect.
3.6
The CNN Effect
Since this study focuses on television pictures (still and moving) from 24-hour news channels
(CNN, Aljazeera, France 24 and BBC), the CNN effect should not be overlooked. Robinson
(2013) defines the “CNN effect” as shorthand for the notion that mainstream news media and
its imagery, not just CNN, were having an increased effect upon foreign policy formulation.
Vilmar (2012) talks of the “Aljazeera effect” which is equivalent to the CNN effect. From the
same point of view, one can talk of the “France 24 effect,” “CCT effect” or “BBC effect” etc.
Sharkey (1993) and Vilmer (2012) highlight how the CNN effect works: firstly, the media
shows disturbing images which in turn cause public outcry. Consequently, policymakers act on
the situation based on the public outcry and pressure. In short, the CNN effect is the impact or
effect of television news imagery on policymaking and implementation. In the context of the
CNN effect, Ammon (2001) labels the impact of television news imagery on policymaking
“telediplomacy.” This study is also interested on the impact of television imagery about
Zimbabwe’s political violence and economic collapse to the respondents, hence, the relevance
of the CNN effect. The central question would be centred on what the respondents said in light
of the images under study vis-à-vis the EU’s attitude towards Zimbabwe. The answer to this
question lies in chapter five and six of this thesis.
There is a wide range of scholarly work that supports the phenomenon of the CNN effect. For
instance, the CNN effect is often associated with the US’ intervention and pull-out of Somalia
in 1992 and 1993 respectively. Photos of starving children in Somalia and those of desecrated
bodies of US soldiers triggered US intervention and the subsequent pull-out of Somalia,
respectively; hence, Perlmutter (2005:118) dubs the Somali images: “Entrance Icons vs. Exit
Icons.” Furthermore, Sharkey (1993) argues that the photos from Somalia are an example of
how visual images can affect foreign policy. The CNN effect also took centre stage in Ethiopia
during its famine of the 1980s. For instance, Michira (2002) alludes to the view that the images
of starvation splashed by the western media during the 1984 Ethiopian famine led to an
international response called Band Aid. Apart from Ethiopia and Somalia, Vilmer (2012) cites
46
the US intervention in Libya (2011) as having been influenced by images depicting Ghadaffi’s
repression against protestors during the Libyan revolution.
Another example of the impact of television news imagery on policymaking is when the US
President, Donald Trump, intervened in Syria after the Syrian government allegedly used
chemical weapons against its citizens. The Washington Post (2017 April 7) notes that: “This
week, it was the images- gruesome photos of a chemical weapons attack on Syrian civilians —
that moved Trump, pushing the president, who ran on an “America first” platform of non-
intervention, to authorize the launch of 59 Tomahawk cruise missiles at Syrian targets
Thursday night.” Thus, television imagery can cause public outcry which in turn could “force”
policymakers to act accordingly.
Although scholars such as Sharkey (1993), Vilmer (2012), Perlmutter (2005), Ammon (2001),
Michira (2002), Hoge (1994), Minear etal (1996), Gilbao (2005) and Robinson (2013)
acknowledge the powerful effect of television news images (the CNN effect); Haven (2001)
tends to differ and to that end; accuses Ammon (2001) of overstating the effect of television
imagery and uses the Rwandan genocide case as his launch pad for such an attack. The
Rwandan scenario did not attract timely international intervention despite the horrific television
images depicting the genocide. One school of thought is that the CNN effect has no direct
bearing on policymaking. For instance, Gilbao (2005:28) notes that, Colin Powell in McNulty
(1993:80) observed that "live television coverage doesn't change the policy, but it does create
the environment in which the policy is made." Another school of thought is tilted toward
feasibility and costs of any intervention, hence, Gilabao (2005:28) cites Anthony Lake, a
scholar and Bill Clinton's first national security adviser, acknowledging that public pressure,
driven by televised images, increasingly played a role in decision making on humanitarian
crises, but added that other factors such as cost, and feasibility were as important.
Against a background of varying schools of thought especially on the extent of the impact of
the CNN effect, Robinson in Vilmer (2012) postulates the “strong effect,” “weak effect” and
“zero effect” model of analysis of the effect of the CNN effect. From the point of view of
Robinson and Vilmer’s (2012), the “strong effect” is related to television imagery that cause
public outcry and possibly followed by concrete political action like the Somali, Ethiopian,
Libyan and Syrian cases. The “weak effect” can be linked to those cases where television news
pictures did not warrant intervention like in the Rwandan case. Importantly, both Robinson and
Vilmer (2012) acknowledge that the “zero effect” scenario does not exist. This means that
47
television pictures either produces a “strong effect” or “weak effect.” The fact that this research
to some extent deals with the effects of television pictures makes the CNN effect relevant.
In relation to Zimbabwe, an observation would reveal that since 2000, the iconic pictures
selected for this study were repeatedly broadcast and also went viral across local, regional and
international media networks. In line with the dictates of the CNN effect, chapter six of this
thesis reveals the effect of such repeated broadcasting of the pictures in question, from the point
of view of the respondents. What is also eye catching is how the CNN effect jellies with other
theoretical and conceptual discourses discussed in this study. Since they all focus on images
and sometimes their effects thereof; a link exists between and among visual culture, image
science, iconology, the idea of imagery, iconoclasm, iconophobia, iconophilia, iconodules, the
concept of iconic images and the CNN effect.
3.7
National Images
Chapter seven of this thesis deals with what respondents thought in relation to the iconic images
selected for this study vis-a-vis the national image of Zimbabwe. Therefore, this section deals
with the concept of national images. Michira (2002) is concerned about the negative way the
international media (especially western media houses) pictorially covers Africa and notes that
such coverage perpetuates the stereotype and an image of an Africa that is a “dark continent”
riddled with disease, poverty, famine and conflict. Correspondingly, Okgibo (2007:109) notes
that international media houses always focus on “the bizarre and absurd” when covering Africa
which consequently damages the national images of African countries. Such a claim by the two
authors seem to hold water considering the fact that bad news usually “sells” compared to the
opposite. Therefore, media coverage (buttressed by pictures) can shape an image of any given
country. One of the important questions that this study will later tackle is: what is a national
image and how do pictures selected for this study relate to the national image of Zimbabwe,
from the perspective of the respondents?
Boulding (1961) elaborates the concept of a national image. Accordingly, “The “image” then,
must be thought of as the total cognitive, affective and evaluative structure of the behaviour
unit, or its internal view of itself and its universe” (Boulding, 1961:391). In the same vein,
Kunczik (1990:44) in Okigbo (2007:108) posits: “an image of a nation constitutes the totality
of attributes that a person recognises (or imagines) when he contemplates that nation."
48
Therefore, it could be said that a national image is what one thinks or his/her perception about
a certain country. Thus, it can be said that national images are intangible and abstract entities
by nature. Furthermore, Boulding (1961:392) stresses out that national images are formed
mostly in childhood and usually in the family group and public instruction and propaganda
merely reinforce images derived from family culture, hence, imposed images are fragile by
comparison with those which are deeply internalised and transmitted through family and other
intimate sources. Did the iconic pictures under study impact on Zimbabwe’s image from the
perspective of the respondents? This question is answered in chapter seven of this study.
3.8
The Theory of Framing
Li and Chitty (2009:6) note that framing can both be adopted as a theory and as a methodology
in relation to the analysis of national images. Accordingly, Li and Chitty (2009) developed a
model for the analysis of national images. The model in question is important in relation to this
study.
Framing and the concept of national images operate hand in glove. In fact, in their definition
of a frame, Li and Chitty (2009:6) interweave a national image and a frame:
Therefore, we have defined national image as ‘privately held frames in the minds of individuals
and public frames as discernible in media. In a world politics context, frames may include
stereotypes such as ally, enemy, barbarian, imperialist, or dependent. Each of these frames is
associated with particular types of international dyadic relationships and behaviour such as
cooperation, conflict, exploitation, invasion or sabotage respectively.
In addition to the above, Li and Chitty (2009:6) also mentions that a country’s national image
is composed of private frames that are held in the minds of the public (referring to perceived
national images), and public frames that are displayed in media, (related to projected media
national images) and add that: “The study of both frames should be positioned in the present
as well as the historical world politics context with the associated stereotypes” as shown in the
diagram below;
49
Figure 2: Model for the Analysis of National Images
Source: Li and Chitty (2009:7)
The diagram shows that, a national image is shaped or framed, by the media (public frames)
and also by “stereotypical” private frames. Such framing occurs in a historical and global
political context. The pictures under study were projected by the public media and are therefore
related to public frames. As this study shall also confirm, public framing creates national
images referred to by Li and Chitty (2009) as “projected media images of other nations” as
opposed to “perceived national images” that result from preconceived, premeditated and
stereotypical “private” frames. Since this study deals with pictures from the public media in
relation to Zimbabwe’s national image, public framing is therefore crucial. However, private
frames should not also be overlooked as the two operate in conjunction.
3.9 Conclusion
This chapter delved on the theoretical and conceptual discourse of this study and as such,
theories such as; image science/Bildwissenschaft, iconology, the CNN effect, and the theory of
framing, were discussed. The chapter also delved on concepts such as; visual culture, the idea
of imagery, iconic images, iconoclasm, iconophobia, iconophilism, iconodules and national
images. Moreover, the chapter revealed the relationship between this study and the discussed
theoretical and conceptual paradigms.
National Image
Public Frames (Media
Representation)
Journalist Framing:
Inductive or
Deductive Approach
Audience Framing:
In-depth Interview
with intermediate
elite
Private Frames
)
Public Perceptions
(
50
Chapter 4: Zimbabwe’s Crisis, Media Publicity and the Emergence of Iconic
Pictures
“Despite the government’s refusal to accredit BBC correspondents, the broadcaster still managed to
produce at least seven documentaries on the country, apart from regular feature stories on the news.
According to a report published by a BBC watchdog, out of 48 documentaries shown on the BBC from
November 2000 to January 2004, Zimbabwe received most attention with seven documentaries…”
(Willems, 2011:19).
4
Introduction
Zimbabwe became a haven for international news stations such due to its political and
economic crisis. From 2000 up to 2008, regional and international news stations were awash
with pictures (still and moving) depicting political violence, human rights violations and
economic collapse in Zimbabwe. Although this study is primarily interested in the afore-
mentioned pictures, it is crucial to trace events that led to the proliferation of such pictures in
the local, regional and international media arena. Therefore, this chapter traces events and
incidents that heightened international media’s attention on Zimbabwe and the consequent
emergence of “iconic” pictures which this study is focused on. Accordingly, the chapter
discusses the fast-track land reform programme of 2000; political and electoral violence;
economic meltdown and inflation; expulsion, banning and harassment of local and foreign
journalists, Operation Restore Order/Murambatsvina and government officials’ use
confrontational rhetoric against local, regional and international political players, the so-called
“enemies of the state” or “detractors.”
4.1
The Rise in International Media Attention on Zimbabwe
International and local media stations are usually interested in negative news stories compared
to positive ones. For instance, in 2007, the Pew Research Centre data showed that media houses
and American citizens were mainly interested in news stories associated with war, terrorism,
crime, social violence, harsh weather, human-made and natural disasters (Pacific Standard,
2015, April 22). The American scenario rhymes with the African context in which droughts,
civil strife, diseases (mainly HIV/AIDS and Ebola) and corruption dominate Africa news on
Africa. Also, some Western media houses have a tendency to cover African countries in a
negative fashion; hence, Biney (1997) observes that Africa is covered by Western newspapers,
radio and TV stations as a “crisis and pitiable Africa.” Correspondingly, Okgibo (2007:109)
notes that international media houses always focus on “the bizarre and absurd” when covering
Africa. However, it is important to note that the media also plays a vital role in terms of raising
awareness about injustices, disasters and humanitarian crisis not only in Africa but around the
51
whole globe. Accordingly, Psychologist, Tom Stafford notes that: “So our attraction to bad
news may be more complex than just journalistic cynicism or a hunger springing from the
darkness within. And that, on another bad news day, gives me a little bit of hope for humanity”
(BBC, 2014, July 29). Although negative media publicity is harmful to the African continent,
it sometimes plays a crucial awareness role especially in areas where gross injustices occur.
In Africa, the on-going DRC civil strife, 2014 to 2015 Ebola crisis (in Sierra Leon, Liberia and
Guinea), xenophobic attacks in South Africa, Somalia’s political crisis, Boko Haram’s terrorist
agenda in Nigeria, the Kenyan political violence of 2007 and Zimbabwe’s political and
economic crisis are some of the events that have been widely covered by local, regional and
international media stations.6 What is eye catching about international media reports from TV
channels are pictures (still and moving) depicting crises in the afore-mentioned countries. This
study is interested in such pictures in the context of Zimbabwe’s political and economic crisis.
Zimbabwe’s negative human rights situation and economic collapse has attracted avalanche volumes of
international media attention especially from 2000 up to 2008. For instance, Milne (2008), Burnett (2008),
Winter (2013) and Muleya (2014) all concur that Zimbabwe’s human rights and economic crisis attracted
unprecedented levels of international media attention and coverage. Milne (2008) and Burnett (2008)
highlight the fact that Zimbabwe has been covered more by the international media compared to terrorism
and war plagued Somalia. In the same vein, Ndlela (2005:71) notes that: “Since 2000...media
networks have devoted more time and space to the coverage of the political and economic
crisis in Zimbabwe.” Likewise, ASSECAA (2011) acknowledges that Zimbabwe continues to make
headlines for negative reasons. The reasons for such negative publicity in Ndlela’s (2005:71) perspective
are; the constitutional referendum of February 2000, the controversial seizure of white-
owned farms, and the disputed parliamentary and presidential elections. Ndlela’s account
dovetails with Milne’s (2008) which summarises the reasons that led to heightened media attention on
Zimbabwe as; the takeover of white-owned farms, economic breakdown, and hyperinflation
and electoral irregularities. The above-mentioned events and the subsequent media attention
gave birth to “iconic” images that characterized Zimbabwe’s crisis. In fact, Ndlela (2005)
acknowledges such images in relation to the violent land reform programme.
6 Boko Haram is a terrorist organization in Northern Nigeria which has its footprints in neighbouring countries
such a Niger, Cameroon and Chad. The term “Boko Haram” literally means that non-Islamic or Western Education
is immoral.
52
4.1.1 The Fast-Track Land Reform Programme
The British colonial government disposed Africans of their land in Zimbabwe; a situation that
fuelled racial economic inequality and injustice which led to the armed struggle (1964-1979)
against British colonial rule in the then Southern Rhodesia. Even by the year 2000; 20 years
after independence, McGreal (2002) observes that 6,000 white farmers occupied half of
Zimbabwe's 81 million acres of arable land with about 850,000 black farmers crammed into
the rest and only 10% of arable land had been legally moved from white to black hands since
1980. In relation to the land question in Zimbabwe, Sir Shridath Ramphal, Secretary-General
of the Commonwealth (1975 – 1990), argued that: “It was about land in the beginning; it was
about land during the struggle; it has remained about land today. The land issue in
Rhodesia/Zimbabwe is not ancient history. It is modern history” (African All-Party
Parliamentary Group, 2009:3).
Negotiations took place between Britain (Thatcher Administration) and the Zimbabwean
government in order to settle the land question. Thatcher agreed that Britain was to provide
funds to the Zimbabwean government to buy the land from the white commercial farmers on a
“willing buyer, willing seller” basis, a position that was later rejected by the New Labour Party
under Tony Blair in 1997 (Mupandawana, 2013). Blair argued that his party was not
responsible for Britain’s colonial wrongdoings and therefore not obligated to fund the land
reform exercise in Zimbabwe. Then Zimbabwe’s President Robert Mugabe, under pressure
from war veterans and a rising tide of opposition politics; amended the constitution and
embarked on the Fast-Track Land Reform program in 2000 which entailed seizing land from
white commercial farmers.7 Makumbe (2009:1) describes the chaotic and violent land reform
programme as Zimbabwe’s “major setback in its transition to democracy.”
The violent land reform programme was a violent exercise. The African Commission for
Human and Peoples’ Rights (2007:5) noted that at least seven white farmers had been killed by
March 2002. Correspondingly, Mandikwaza (2016:33) notes that violence also increased in
Zimbabwe with the implementation of the fast-track land reform policy. Consequently, iconic
7 The term “Fast-Track Land Reform Programme” was adopted to describe Zimbabwe ruling party’s (ZANU PF)
“speedily” implemented land reform programme that started in the year 2000. Through the Fast-Track Land
Reform Programme, Zimbabwean (white) commercial farmers lost their land to the “indigenous/black”
Zimbabweans.
53
pictures related to the land reform programme emerged from the media. In describing the
pictures in question, Hanlon (2013) observes:
The images are burnt into our consciousness: farm buildings set alight; white farmers, blood
streaming down their faces, their wives and children fleeing in terror. All around a baying mob,
the war veterans of President Robert Mugabe sent to drive them from their homes; loyal black
farm workers beaten and abused for daring to stand up to the political thugs. These scenes were
shown on television screens around the world following Zimbabwe’s land invasions of 2000.
The BBC also produced several documentaries concerning the crisis in Zimbabwe. Willems
(2011:94) notes that, according to a report published by a BBC watchdog, out of 48
documentaries shown on the BBC from November 2000 to January 2004, Zimbabwe received
most attention with seven documentaries. Correspondingly, Ndlela (2005:75) notes that: “The
violent nature in which the farms were taken from their owners attracted bad publicity as the
international media showed images of destruction of property, torture, injury and dead bodies
of white farmers.” This is in tandem with Sturken and Cartwright’s (2009:9) view that: “The
role of images in providing views of violence, and of voyeurism and fascination with violence
is countered by a history of using images to expose the devastating aspects of violence.”
The government of Zimbabwe tried to counteract negative media publicity associated with the
violent land reform programme, by embarking on a well calculated propaganda campaign.
Ndlovu-Gatsheni (2009) describes Jonathan Moyo (then Information Minister) as “an able
articulator and promoter” of such a propaganda campaign between 2000 and 2004. In the same
vein, Ndlovu-Gatsheni (2009) cites an example of one propaganda jingle engineered by Moyo
and which was crafted along theological lines and went as: “In the beginning was the land. The
people were on the land. The people owned the land. As it was in the beginning, so shall it
always be. Welcome to Zimbabwe. We are down to earth!” Chitando cited in Gatsheni (2009)
argues that Jonathan Moyo “masterminded one of the most sustained propaganda campaigns
in postcolonial Africa.” Moyo’s propaganda programme faced a stern challenge from private
and international media stations.
4.1.2 Political and Electoral Violence
The history violence in independent Zimbabwe can be traced back to the state sponsored
Gukurahundi genocide which claimed more than 20 000 lives in Matabeleland and Midlands
54
provinces from 1982 to 1987(Catholic Commission for Justice and Peace, 1997).8 Also, since
the 1990s, elections in Zimbabwe have always been marred by electoral irregularities including
political violence and intimidation. For instance, Sachikonye (1990) and Moyo (1992) observe
that the 1990 elections in Zimbabwe were marred with violence and intimidation. By the same
token, Makumbe & Compagnon (2000) detail the massive violence and intimidation that
characterised the 1995 general elections in Zimbabwe.
In 1999, the opposition MDC was formed. The new party unsettled the government of former
President, Robert Mugabe. Consequently, the government not only unleashed a reign of terror
against MDC supporters but also violently took over white owned commercial farms in order
to patronise black Zimbabweans that were associated with the ruling party, ZANU PF. The
period before, during and after the June 2000 parliamentary elections in Zimbabwe, was
characterised by massive state sponsored violence and intimidation. Zimbabwe Human Rights
NGO Forum (2001:3) cited in Makumbe (2006) quotes former President Mugabe’s chilling
words at a ceremony for the opening of the water pipeline between Pungwe River and Mutare:
“Those who try to cause disunity among our people must watch out because death will befall
them.” Mugabe’s speech incited massive violence against opposition members. The table
below shows statistics of human rights violations related to the 2000 parliamentary elections
in Zimbabwe:
Table 2: Politically Motivated Human Rights Violations, 2000-2001
February-June
2000
July-December
2000
January-June
2001
July-November
2001
Murder
8
1
2
5
Assault
569
176
192
548
Abduction
142
9
70
35
Assault threats
439
33
199
805
Death Threats
567
10
71
73
Property
Offenses
263
74
66
360
Displacement
>2000
57
174
>4000
Percent-
State
Sponsored
94.5
93.2
88.7
92.1
Source: Masunungure (2002) in Barry (2004:9)
8 Gukurahundi is a shona term for the rain that washes away the dirt. Gukurahundi became a code name for a
military operation (or genocide) which was meant to deal with dissidents (rebels) in the Matabeleland and
Midlands provinces of Zimbabwe from 1982 to 1987. During the Gukurahundi period, the ZANU PF government
led by Robert Mugabe, unleashed the North Korean trained Fifth Brigade regiment on the defenceless citizens in
the provinces in question, leaving at least 20 000 dead (Catholic Commission for Justice and Peace, 1997).
55
From the above violations, the international media managed to produce documentaries as
Willem (2011) notes. The presidential elections held after the parliamentary elections in 2002
were equally violent and chaotic as noted by Vollan (2002:2). The EU condemned the 2002
presidential elections in Zimbabwe. Similarly, the 2005 parliamentary elections were also
characterised by political violence and voter intimidation by the ruling party, ZANU PF.
Moreover, a landmark political violence incident took place in March 2007 when the state
security agents brutalized opposition and civic society organizations and killed Gift Tandare in
Harare. Opposition MDC leader, Morgan Tsvangirai was also brutalized. In relation to the
incident, Bratton and Masunungure (2011) note that:
Leaders of the opposition, including Morgan Tsvangirai, were brutally assaulted; one person
was killed; 50 were hospitalized; and nearly 200 were arrested. Media coverage of these events
evoked an international outcry, not only from the governments of Great Britain, the European
Union and the United States, but also from the African Commission on Human and People’s
Rights.
Morgan Tsvangirai’s picture which shows his battered face became viral across media
networks. In the same vein, Winter (2013) notes that the world was shocked by pictures of
Tsvangirai after he was assaulted in 2007. The Economist (2007, March 15) describes
Tsvangirai’s battered and swollen face as “the face of oppression.” The late Morgan
Tsvangirai’s picture became iconic and symbolic in relation to the Zimbabwe Crisis.
Picture C
MDC President, the late Morgan in front of the Harare Magistrate Court soon after his brutal
attack by police in Highfields (Harare) on 11 March 2007 (BBC (2007)/Brian Hungwe).
56
The 2008 harmonized elections (presidential, senatorial, lower house and council) also drew
media attention in Zimbabwe. The first round of the presidential elections was held on 29
March and Morgan Tsvangirai won 47.9% of the vote, Robert Mugabe 43.2% and the
remainder were shared by other small political parties. According to Zimbabwean law, for one
to be declared a winner, he/she should garner 50% plus one vote. Therefore, this meant that
there was no winner and there was need for a second round of elections. It is during this time
that Mugabe and his ruling ZANU PF party unleashed an orgy of violence against perceived
political opponents in Zimbabwe. Most analysts argue that the second round of elections which
were held on 27 June 2008 were the bloodiest in the history of Zimbabwe. For instance,
Makumbe (2009:2) notes that:
In the run-up to the run-off, ZANU-PF unleashed a wave of countrywide violence, which
resulted in the deaths of nearly 100 MDC supporters, the displacement of more than 50 000
people from their rural homes, and the burning of many homes by the ZANU-PF militia
working in cahoots with elements of the Zimbabwe National Army (ZNA), the Zimbabwe
Republic Police (ZRP), the Zimbabwe Prison Service (ZPS), and the Central Intelligence
Organisation (CIO).
Masunungure (2009:98) concludes that “the 27 June 2008 presidential runoff election was a
militarized election without a choice.” The 2008 presidential election was controversially won
by Robert Mugabe. He forged a unity government with Morgan Tsvangirai for legitimacy
purposes. Levels of political violence were very low during the 2013 harmonized elections.
However, there were reports of rigging as noted by ZESN (2013). Economic decay in
Zimbabwe also attracted media attention.
4.1.3 Economic Collapse and Inflation
Zimbabwe’s economic decline drew attention from media houses. (2008) summarises the
reasons for such media as: “The catastrophic nature of the country's economic decline in recent
years that has led to an inflation rate of 100,000%, an unemployment rate estimated to be 80%,
and millions of people leaving the country in search of work, the story merits coverage.” Before
delving on the media attention and the images that were broadcasted in relation to Zimbabwe’s
economic crisis, it is important to give a background of how the economic crisis in question
unfolded.
Zimbabwe’s economic woes began to mount in the late in the early 1990s. Bratton &
Masunungure (2011:18) note that by 1990, Zimbabwe was facing economic challenges: the
government’s fiscal deficit was over 10%, there was lack of foreign investment, over 100,000
57
graduates were leaving secondary school each year and the economy generated little
employment. Consequently, the Zimbabwean government was forced to abandon its Marxist-
Leninist-Maoist approach of economic management and adopted the World Bank’s and IMF’s
Economic Structural Adjustment Programme (ESAP) in 1991.9 Among other scholars, Dibbie
(2000) and Bratton & Masunungure (2011) acknowledge the negative impact of ESAP`s
austerity measures on Zimbabwe’s economy. ESAP’s economic impact was worsened by
government corruption.
In addition, the Mugabe administration committed two economic policy blunders: the
involvement of Zimbabwe in the Democratic Republic of Congo war in 1998 and the
compensation of war veterans the previous year.10 Bratton & Masunungure (2011:26) note that:
“In 1998, the President deployed the Zimbabwe National Army to prop up the fragile regime
of Laurent Kabila in the Democratic Republic of Congo, an ill-advised move partly motivated
by a search for new sources of national income.” The DRC military intervention drained
Zimbabwe’s fiscus. Correspondingly, Magaisa (2015) observes that:
In the end, Zimbabwe became a key actor in the DRC war, which caused serious problems back
home. The war was costly – in human and financial terms. In November 1999, the BBC quoted
a report in the Financial Gazette, a Zimbabwean weekly, stating that equipment worth $200
million had been lost during the war. The British Financial Times had also reported a leaked
Zimbabwe Government internal memo showing that $166 million had been spent on the war
over a 6-month period between January and June 1999, an average of $25 million per month.
These costs were not in the budget and seriously drained the fiscus.
In 1997, the Zimbabwean government agreed to compensate war veterans who fought the war
of independence from British colonial rule. Makumbe (2009:11) posits that: “In 1997 the war
veterans had successfully coerced the Mugabe regime to grant them monthly pensions and a
Zw$50 000 compensation for each of them.” The pay-outs in question damaged Zimbabwe’s
economy. In addition, the land reform programme of 2000 seriously hurt the economy of
Zimbabwe. The violent land reform programme coupled with political violence led to the
sanctioning of the country by the US, EU and their allies. Government corruption made matters
worse.
9 ESAP refers to World Bank and IMF inspired and prescribed austerity programme that was adopted by the
government of Zimbabwe in 1991.
10 The Congo War (1998-2003) was a war in the DRC which involved nine African countries (including
Zimbabwe) and 25 armed groups. Zimbabwe’s economic decline is heavily linked the Congo War.
58
Bratton and Masunungure (2011:8) give an overview of the country’s economic woes from
2000 to 2008:
As for development outcomes, the period 2000-2008 ended in a full-blown economic crisis. At
a time when real per capita incomes were beginning to rise in the rest of Africa and inflation
was dropping in neighbouring countries, Zimbabwe was battered by the world’s lowest growth
and highest inflation rates. The economy experienced negative growth in every year between
1998 and 2008, shrinking by half over the whole period; by the latter year it was close to
collapse. The last official report on inflation in mid-2008 pegged the rate at 231 million percent,
though private economists estimated far higher numbers.
In light of the astronomical levels of inflation, the international media was awash with images
of the Zimbabwean worthless currency. The biggest note was one hundred trillion dollars.
Images of people carrying stakes of money in Zimbabwe like the one shown below became a
common sight especially on international media news stations such as the BBC, CNN, France
24 and Aljazeera.
Picture D
A man stands behind piles of worthless Zimbabwean dollar notes as he makes a deposit at a bank in
Zimbabwe in 2008 (The Economist, 2016).
France 24 English (2017, January 20) pegged the inflation at 80 billion percent in Zimbabwe
in 2008. The period of hyperinflation under Mugabe was known as “Mugabenomics” in many
circles.11 However, during the period of inclusive government in Zimbabwe (2009-2013), the
11 “Mugabenomics” refers to the unorthodox and ruinous economic policies that were characterized by corruption,
nepotism, and overprinting of money under the leadership of Zimbabwe’s former President, Robert Mugabe. A
key hallmark of Mugabenomics was galloping inflation.
59
economy became relatively stable. However, the situation changed with the end of the GNU
after another controversial election in 2013 which was won by the ruling party ZANU PF
through unorthodox means according to MDC Zimbabwe (2017).
After the 2013 elections, the economic situation declined drastically and as of 2016, Zimbabwe
was plagued by astronomical levels of unemployment, food shortages, soaring prices, protests
and acute cash shortages. CNN (2016, May 6) carried a report where the levels of economic
decline in Zimbabwe were discussed. A flash back on inflation and currencies that were used
was made. Furthermore, in November 2016, in its programme called Africa Business Report,
the BBC (2016, November 12) carried a grim report about cash shortages triggered by the
anticipated introduction of bond notes as a currency in Zimbabwe. What is important about the
above-mentioned reports and many others that were broadcasted by international news stations
are pictures that depict economic decay in Zimbabwe: pictures of people queuing for fuel, cash,
and bread; as well as pictures of hyperinflation riddled notes, among others.
4.1.4 Persecution, Banning and Expulsion of Foreign Journalists
The political and economic crisis in Zimbabwe attracted significant media attention. The
Zimbabwean state was not pleased about such negative publicity. Consequently, the ruling
party, ZANU PF adopted a well calculated strategy of harassing and banning Western media
houses from operating in Zimbabwe as its modus operandi for suppressing negative reports and
pictures about Zimbabwe’s Crisis. This strategy witnessed the arrest and expulsion of foreign
journalists, particularly from the US, Europe, Canada, New Zealand, and Australia.
Willem (2011:93) notes that, in July 2001, the government suspended all accreditation of BBC
correspondents in Zimbabwe. In the same vein, Butcher (2001) reported that: “President Robert
Mugabe's government has banned the BBC from sending journalists to Zimbabwe a month after
the regime forced the Harare correspondent of The Daily Telegraph to leave.” Apart from the
BBC and The Telegraph, France 24, CNN, Sky News, Reuters and Aljazeera among others,
were also not welcome in the country. The banning, expulsion and sometimes the destruction
of journalists’ cameras and pictures that occurred in Zimbabwe is related to iconoclasm which
Mitchell (2015) defines as the destruction or suppression of images for religious and political
purposes.
60
The persecution and expulsion of journalists from Zimbabwe seem to have created zeal and
curiosity by their counterparts to cover the political and economic crisis in the country.
Willems (2011:94) concurs with this perspective and notes that:
Despite the government’s refusal to accredit BBC correspondents, the broadcaster still managed
to produce at least seven documentaries on the country, apart from regular feature stories on
the news. According to a report published by a BBC watchdog, out of 48 documentaries shown
on the BBC from November 2000 to January 2004, Zimbabwe received most attention with
seven documentaries. Zimbabwe came after the Israel/Palestine conflict which was covered in
16 documentaries. Apart from regular news features, programmes like Correspondent,
Panorama, Hard Talk and Breakfast with Frost carried several editions on Zimbabwe. Most
documentaries were made by reporters not officially accredited by the Zimbabwean authorities.
Both John Sweeney and Fergal Keane came to Zimbabwe on tourist visas which further seemed
to dramatize the content of programmes.
Local media houses and journalists were also not spared from the state policy of aggression
against journalists and media houses. In 2001 and in a classic and textbook example of
iconoclasm, The Daily News premises were bombed by suspected state security agents (BBC
News, 2001 January 28). Due to the bombing; printing equipment, newspapers, and cameras
were destroyed. The same daily paper’s licence was later cancelled. Such aggression against
the private and independent media also contributed to the country’s negative coverage at a local
level. Also, local and international journalist worked in conjunction to “externalise”
Zimbabwe’s political and economic crisis.
4.1.5 Controversial and Inflammatory Rhetoric
Another issue which attracted attention of the media in relation to Zimbabwe is confrontational
rhetoric by then President, Robert Mugabe and other senior government officials. This
venomous rhetoric was directed against the so-called internal and external “detractors.”
Opposition leaders, especially the late Morgan Tsvangirai, civic society, students and church
leaders were the perceived internal enemies who became victims of such vitriolic language.
Perceived external detractors were the US and its Western allies. Such hate speech and foul
rhetoric attracted significant media attention around the world. Funerals, political rallies, and
international forums such at the African Union (AU) and the UN General Assembly, among
others, became fertile grounds for the articulation of such violent rhetoric and hate speech.
Former Zimbabwe’s President, Robert Mugabe has been accused of inciting violence against
his opponents. For instance, Makumbe (2009) refer to Mugabe’s speech where he threatened
that those who tried to cause disunity among Zimbabweans must watch out because death was
61
going to befall them. Furthermore, since 2000, white Zimbabweans have been subjected to
name calling and racial slurs by the former President of Zimbabwe. For instance, Gatsheni
(2009: 1151) notes that: “The white settlers, many of them born in Zimbabwe, found
themselves described as ‘amabhunu/Boers’ rather than citizens. Citizenship was redefined in
nativist terms that excluded white races.”12 Robert Mugabe is once said: “The only man you
can trust is a dead white man” (Independent, 2014, February 21). Such remarks which carried
international headlines were not only racist but also incited violence against white
Zimbabweans. As a result of Mugabe’s racist behaviour, Archbishop of York, Dr John Sentamu
labelled him “the worst kind of racist dictator” and likened him to former Ugandan dictator,
Idi Amin (BBC, 2007, September 17). Moreover, BBC (2014, July 3) quotes Mugabe saying
whites should not own any land in Zimbabwe and they should go back to Europe.
Consequently, Anand (2007) labelled Mugabe a “racist.” What is important to this study is the
media attention and public outcry that was attracted by Mugabe’s obnoxious rhetoric.
Mugabe once boasted that he holds degrees in violence (Ndlovu-Gatsheni, 2009:1149). In a
shocking comparison, Mugabe once likened himself to Adolf Hitler. “I am still the Hitler of
the time…” (Independent, 2014, February 21; BBC, 2008, December 12; CNN, 2001, June 5;
Hentoff, 2012). The United States “accused Zimbabwe’s government of unleashing a new
wave of violence against the opposition, which it said was incited when President Robert
Mugabe compared himself to Adolf Hitler” (The Mail & Guardian Online, March 25, 2003;
Hentoff, 2012). In 2008, before the 27 June presidential election, in remarks that shocked the
world, former President Mugabe threatened that ZANU PF could not be removed from power
through an X (through voting or an election) because it is the party that fought for independence
(The Sunday Mail 19 June 2008 cited in Zinyama, 2009). Such remarks attracted widespread
media attention and condemnation at home and abroad.
Other top government officials during the same period also used confrontational rhetoric. The
late Vice-President Joseph Msika, cited by The Manica Post (20 June 2008) in Zinyama
(2009:141) remarked:
Tsvangirai is a traitor. I came here to warn you about the machinations of the Rhodesians and
their imperialist allies who we dislodged through the protracted armed struggle, but now they
intend to come back using one of our fellow Zimbabweans Tsvangirai, as their running dog-
12 Boers/Amabhunu is a derogatory word that was used to describe white commercial farmers during the colonial
period.
62
chimbwasungata. If you vote for Tsvangirai on June 27, you are voting for the former
Rhodesians and thus you are voting for war.
Similarly, during the 2008 elections, Samuel Mumbengegwi, former Finance Minister said:
“This is up to you; if you want peace, you should vote for us. If you vote for the MDC, we will
go to war” (Zinyama, 2012:141). Moreover, Masunungure (2009:85) cites Army Chief of Staff
Major-General Martin Chedondo who addressed soldiers: “Soldiers are not apolitical. Only
mercenaries are apolitical. We have signed and agreed to fight and protect the ruling party’s
principles of defending the revolution. If you have other thoughts, then you should remove that
uniform. This is a choice with no choice. It’s either you vote for war or peace.” Even during
the 2002 Presidential elections, the former Commissioner of Police, Augustine Chihuri said:
“To this end, let it be known that the highest office in the land is a ‘straitjacket’ whose occupant
is expected to observe the objectives of the liberation struggle. We will, therefore, not accept,
let alone support or salute anyone with a different agenda that threatens the very existence of
our sovereignty” (Masunungure, 2009). Such violent rhetoric was widely reported by the
international media.
4.1.6 Operation Restore Order/Murambatsvina
Another incident which put Zimbabwe under international media limelight is Operation
Restore Order that was popularly referred to in Shona language as Murambatsvina.13 Operation
Restore Order was a government policy that was meant to “clean up” the cities in order to
combat crime, diseases and overcrowding. The operation in question began on the 19th of May
2005 and involved the demolition of what the government termed “illegal structures” across
all cities in Zimbabwe. Operation Restore Order was implemented by municipal police in
cahoots with the Zimbabwe Republic Police. As a result, a significant number of urban dwellers
lost their homes, were displaced and their livelihoods went up in smoke. In fact, the United
Nations (2005:8) pegs the number of people who lost their homes and livelihoods at 700 000.
This is a significant number especially when it is borne in mind that Zimbabwe’s population is
about 14 million.
13 Murambatsvina is a Shona word which means cleaning the dirt. The word was used as a code name of an
operation that was implemented in 2005 by the government of Zimbabwe to destroy “illegal structures” (houses,
tuckshops, schools etc). The UN Nations (2005) pegs the number of those who lost their homes and livelihoods
through this “Clean-Up Campaign” at 700 000.
63
Picture E
A family in Harare carries a wardrobe after the destruction of their home by local government security
agents during “Operation Murambatsvina” in July 2005 (BBC, 2005).
Operation Restore Order went viral on international news. Examples of reports linked to this
incident came from the BBC (2005, July 26), Aljazeera (2005, June 8), The New York Times
(2005, June 11), and CNN (2006, December 19), among others.
4.2
Conclusion
This chapter traced events and incidents associated with the pictures under study. As such, the
(often violent) fast-track land reform programme, political and electoral violence, persecution
of journalists, Operation Restore Order/Murambatsvina, government officials’ obnoxious
rhetoric and economic meltdown and inflation were discussed. An overview of these events
and incidents was important considering the fact that they are the ones which attracted local,
regional and international media attention on Zimbabwe and the subsequent proliferation of
pictures, including the “iconic” pictures which this study focused on.
64
Chapter 5: Iconology, Image Science and Iconic Pictures
5
Introduction
The last chapter focused on international media’s attention on Zimbabwe’s Crisis and the
subsequent emergence of pictures, including the iconic pictures selected for this study. Taking
a leaf from image science/Bildwissenschaft and using Marotzki and Stoetzer’s (2006) model of
pictorial analysis which falls under “critical iconology,” this chapter studies eight (still) iconic
pictures and two videos (moving pictures) related to Zimbabwe’s political and economic crisis.
The iconic status of the pictures in question was established by putting into consideration
perspectives of different scholars on the characteristics or central features that define iconic
images. Also, respondents were asked to list what they believed were iconic pictures related to
Zimbabwe’s Crisis. Accordingly, the respondents’ list of iconic pictures was blended and
tallied with the list of pictures selected due to their iconic characteristics according to scholars
to reach the criterion that was used for the final selection. The iconic pictures analysed in this
chapter were drawn from Aljazeera English, BBC, France 24 English and CNN. Importantly,
online archives, websites, YouTube and live streaming sites associated with the above-
mentioned international television news channels played a vital role in terms of provision of
the selected iconic pictures. The researcher analysed the iconic pictures in question using
Marotzki and Stoetzer’s (2006) model of pictorial analysis in order to deduce their meaning
and to subtly and tacitly compare the results with the respondents’ interpretation of the same
pictures.
5.1 Distinction between a Picture and an Image
Oftentimes, the terms “image” and “picture” are used interchangeably, even by scholars and
intellectuals, to refer to one and the same thing. However, scholars such as Mitchell (1986;
2015) make a clear distinction between the two. Mitchell (2015:6) observes that: “You can
hang a picture, but you can’t hang an image.” Therefore, a picture is tangible whereas an image
is an intangible or a “metaphysical” object, hence, Mitchell (2015:6) adds that a picture is a
material object, a thing you can burn or break or tear whereas an image survives the destruction
of a picture (in memory, in narratives, in copies and traces in other media). Thus, images could
exist in memory and verbal narratives, hence, their capacity to survive physical destruction. An
example cited by some scholars, including Mitchell (2015:6), of how images survive
destruction, is the Israelites’ Golden Calf which was destroyed in a classic case of iconoclasm
but survived in memory, verbal narratives and pictorial depictions. Michael Taussig in Mitchell
(2015) argues that the destruction of material images (including pictures) is a sure way of
65
guaranteeing them an even more potent presence in memory, or as reincarnated in new forms,
hence the fundamental law of the physics of the images which states that images cannot be
destroyed.
In his presentation, Mitchell (2012) noted that an image is “imaginary, speculative and
metaphorical” and “something that appears in the picture, something that could be copied from
the picture, remembered, transmitted into a different medium.” Therefore, unlike pictures that
can be destroyed, images could live on as memories and verbal narratives for centuries like the
famous Golden Calf in the Bible. Also, pictures are part of a broader family of images as
elucidated by Mitchell (1986:9): “We speak of pictures, statues, optical illusions, maps,
diagrams, dreams, hallucinations, spectacles, projections, poems, patterns, memories, and even
ideas as images.” In short, pictures are material and tangible objects that can be destroyed
whereas images are intangible, metaphorical and subjective entities. Also, pictures belong to
the broader family of images.
5.2
Marotzki and Stoetzer’s Model of Pictorial Analysis
This section analyses the iconic pictures selected for this study using Marotzki and Stoetzer’s
(2006) model of pictorial analysis.14 The model in question is applied in line with the dictums
of image science and iconology. Mitchell (2013) views iconology as basically the study of
images and how they affect us, which this makes the above-mentioned model important
considering the fact that it deals with the study of images (including pictures). Marotzki and
Stoetzer’s (2006) model is also “systematic” as it contains four clearly defined steps of studying
images. Therefore, the “systematic” nature of the model dovetails with image
science/Bildwissenschaft, which according to Mitchell (2015), is opposed to a general and
unsystematic approach to the study of images. This section is divided into two distinct parts.
The first part deals with the study of eight (still) pictures whereas the second part focuses on
two moving pictures (videos). The pictures in question, which were selected due to their
iconicity, were extracted from online platform of the BBC, CNN, France 24 English and
Aljazeera English. Some of the pictures were made available by correspondents.
In order to comprehend Marotzki and Stoetzer’s (2006) model of pictorial analysis, it is
important to highlight the work of Panofsky (1939) as the former borrowed heavily from the
latter. Panofsky’s (1939) model of describing and analysing art work consists of three stages:
14 Marotzki and Stoetzers’ (2006) work is written in the German language and some important parts of it
(especially the four stages) were translated by Heinrich and Stahl (2013).
66
(1) primary or natural subject matter; (2) secondary or conventional subject matter; and (3)
intrinsic meaning or content. Also known as the pre-iconographic stage, Panofsky (1939:5)
describes the first stage of analysis as concerned with “identifying pure forms” from a work of
art. This stage is mainly about the identification and naming of features from a work of art. In
Panofsky’s (1939:6) words, the second stage which he also calls the “iconographic analysis”
is concerned about “subject matter as opposed to form.” The last stage, known as iconological
interpretation, is concerned about “ascertaining those underlying principles which reveal the
basic attitude of a nation, a period, a class, a religious or philosophical persuasion--
unconsciously qualified by one personality and condensed into one work” (Panofsky, 1939:7).
This stage involves the synthesis of the image or work of art in relation to the period, religion,
race, gender, political situation, race etc.
Marotziki and Stoetzer’s (2006) model is a modification of Panofsky’s method and it includes
mise-en-scene which Panofsky has often been accused of having overlooked in his work. Thus,
Marotzki and Stoetzer’s (2006) is a four-layered model of pictorial description and analysis.
Heinrich and Stahl (2013:9) aptly observe that Marotzki and Stoetzer “have advanced
Panofsky’s iconological method by integrating findings from film studies; hence their model
seems particularly well suited to deal with pictorial analyses of social situations.” Therefore,
such a model is suitable for the study of the iconic pictures selected for this study considering
that they depict a political and socio-economic condition. Also, the model is related to film
studies and pictures (still and moving) play an important role to that end. The model by
Marotzki and Stoetzer (2006) is written in the German language and some important parts of
it were translated by Heinrich and Stahl (2013). The four levels of analysis in the model are;
(1)
denotation/Objektebene;
(2)
connotation/Ordnung
der
Objekte;
(3)
mise-en-
scene/orchestration and (4) synthesis. Below is an explanation of the four levels of analysis in
the model:
i.
Denotation
Heinrich and Stahl (2013:6) notes that this simple requires a simple description of what can be
seen on the picture without reflecting on any deeper context knowledge. Marotzki and Stoetzer
(2006:17) cited in Heinrich and Stahl (2013:6) notes that this stage is about the identification
of the most evident objects on the picture. In short, the denotation stage is basically about
describing what one sees on an image or work of art without any analysis or giving of
background knowledge.
67
ii.
Connotation
Heinrich and Stahl (2013:6) note that in this step, the culturally specific meaning is crucial and
give an example of a man with a black suit which could be interpreted as for business or funeral
purposes. In addition to that, connotation also involves the cultural symbolism portrayed in the
image.
iii.
Mise-en-scene
This stage mainly deals with the “technical” aspects of the picture. Heinrich and Stahl (2013:6)
note that this stage is “devoted to how the objects are placed.” Correspondingly, Ignatowitsch
and Stahl (2015:10) note that this level:
Essentially deals with three determinants- colour, line and form yet including open and closed
forms, image limitations, image framings, “margins,” foreground-middle, ground- background,
dominance of lines, forms, symmetries, image divisions, position of the object/figure to each
other, sharpness, depth of focus, colour codes, light and lighting. In addition, we include the
camera distance (e.g. close-up, long shot, panorama) and the perspective (e.g. line of sight
angle, horizontal angle) as well as the interaction of the pictured objects with the viewer (e.g.
eye contact).
Thus, the mise-en-scene deals with an array of “technical” aspects of the photograph.
Iganatowitsch and Stahl (2015:12) note that Panofsky is often accused of neglecting this stage
as it is missing in his model.
iv.
Synthesis
The fourth level of analysis in the model is the synthesis stage. The final step of image
interpretation finally carves out “the societal content of the image” (Ignatowitsch and Stahl,
2015:12). This stage is associated with the socio-historical context of the picture. Furthermore,
Marotzki and Stoetzer (2006:26) note that at this stage, “The image therefore gets a meaning,
which can be accounted as a person, an environment, and a society, or culture bound,
historically contingent mentality” (Ignatowitsch and Stahl, 2015:12). The following section
involves the application of Marotzki and Stoetzer’s (2006) model of pictorial analysis to the
pictures under investigation.
5.2.1 Zimbabwe Crisis’ Pictures and Moritzki and Stoetzer’s Model
Zimbabwe’s Crisis gave birth to iconic pictures in the media. This section seeks to analyse such
pictorial imagery using Marotzki and Stoetzer’s (2006) model. The iconic pictures in question
are drawn from the BBC, Aljazeera English, France 24 English and CNN. Some of the pictures
are digital material from correspondents of the above-mentioned news stations. The first part
68
of this section deals with eight (still) pictures whereas the second part deals with two moving
pictures (videos).
Picture F
Terry Ford’s body after his assassination by suspected state security agents and ZANU PF militias at
his Gowrie farm in Norton outside Harare on 18 March 2002(CNN, 2002)
i.
Denotation
Picture F shows an object on the ground covered with what looks like a white sheet. Next to
the big object is another small object which is white and brown in colour. There is also another
white smaller object next to the bigger object. In the background is a brownish physical barrier.
The ground, which is brown in colour, is also visible in the photograph. There is a small black
line on the margins of the photograph. Also, on the bottom-right corner of the image are words
which read “(CNN)”. The whole picture is mostly dim although there is some small light in the
middle-right side of the image.
ii.
Connotation
The object covered with a white sheet in photograph F is the dead body of Terry Ford after his
assassination by suspected state security agents in Zimbabwe at the height of the land reform
programme in March 2002. Terry Ford was a Zimbabwean commercial farmer of European
descent. Ford’s body is covered in a blue sheet although the colour appears to be black in the
photograph. Next to Ford’s dead body is his dog which was his closest pet.
The fact that Ford’s dead body is left lying on the ground shows disrespect for the dead. This
largely contradicts both African and European values that emphasize on treating the dead with
utmost respect and dignity. Importantly, as shall be discussed in chapter six of this thesis,
69
picture F has become a symbol of the violence, human rights violations and racial profiling that
was associated with the land reform programme in Zimbabwe. Also, Picture F depicts murder
which is generally considered as the gravest form of violence.
iii.
Mise-en-scene
Picture F was captured to reveal the gravity of violence during the land reform programme in
Zimbabwe. Terry Ford’s dog seated next to his body stirs deep emotions and it is such emotions
and violence that the photographer sought to relay to the viewers. In terms clarity, Picture F is
blurred and not very clear which could be in line with the prevailing camera technology at that
time. The small light on the right side of the picture shows that the picture was taken during
the day and not night or cloudy day. Also, the picture has a black lining on the margins which
shows that it was edited probably by the photographer. In addition to that, the words “(CNN)”
on the bottom right of the picture are also a clear sign of editing of the photograph. Furthermore,
Ford’s body is not fully captured in the photograph. It is cut on the bottom right corner of the
photo and this could mean that the photograph was taken from a very close range where it was
impossible to capture the whole body due to the angle and position of the camera.
iv.
Synthesis
This picture which was broadcasted by CNN (2002, 18 March) and was taken in 2002 during
the fast-track land reform programme in Zimbabwe. Ford was shot in the head and killed in his
farm just outside Harare the capital city of Zimbabwe. The image of Terry Ford’s dead body
shows the violence that was associated with the fast track- land reform programme which was
launched by Zimbabwe’s ruling party (ZANU PF) in 2000. In addition to that, Ford is part of
the 10 white commercial farmers who were killed in Zimbabwe from 2000 to 2002 (The
Telegraph, 2002, March 19). The fact that he was killed by suspected state security agents also
portrays an image of lawlessness, lack of rule of law and state brutality in Zimbabwe. Most
white commercial farmers were also targeted because they were accused of being associated
with the opposition MDC party.
70
Picture G
A white commercial farmer holds her two children during the seizure of her farm by ZANU PF militias
during the Fast-Track Land Reform programme in Zimbabwe ca.2002 (BBC, 2002).
i.
Denotation
On the left side of the picture, is a standing woman who is holding a small child on her left
arm. She is also holding the hand of another child who is standing on her own. The woman is
putting on a light-blue dress and some greenish shoes. The two children whom she is holding
are dressed in pink dresses and have no shoes. The woman and the children seem to be of
European descent. There is a silver gate dividing the woman and the children with a group of
people of African descent on the other side of the gate. The gate is locked with a huge chain.
Among the group of people on the other side of the gate, five men can be clearly seen. The first
man is seated and is on the bottom right corner of the picture. He is beating a drum and looking
at the woman and her children. The man is putting on a greyish shirt and shorts and brown
shoes. Next to the man beating a drum is another man putting on a T-shirt with maroon and
blue colours. He is holding a white object on his left hand. The man is putting on brown
trousers. Behind him is another man holding up an axe with his right hand. His mouth is open
and he is jumping with his right leg up. He is wearing a green jacket. Additionally, he is putting
on brownish trousers and white and green T-shirt inside his green jacket.
71
The third person in line from the man beating a drum is another man putting on a greenish cap,
grey T-shirt, brown trousers and light brown shoes. His mouth is open and he is lifting his
clenched fist with his left hand and appears to be dancing. Next to him is another man with a
yellow jacket, white-T-shirt, blue trousers and black shoes. He is looking at his left side.
Furthermore, next to him is a woman with a red head tie, light blue skirt and a white blouse.
Her mouth is open. Next to the afore-described woman is another woman with a purple dress
and whitish head tie. She appears to be dancing.
Behind the afore-described individuals appears only a head of a woman wearing a colourful
head tie and another one with also a colourful head tie, white blouse and a skirt with black and
greyish colours. On the upper right of the picture appear two hands of people who are not fully
captured in the photograph. The background of the picture consists of green vegetation with
grass and trees. The ground is also visible in the picture.
ii.
Connotation
Picture G captures a scene of an eviction from a farm of a Zimbabwean commercial farmer of
European descent by Zimbabweans of African ancestry. To some extent, Picture G carries
certain aspects that are symbolic. The drum in picture G is a symbol of African culture and is
significant in the context of Zimbabwean culture. In Zimbabwe, a drum is usually used in both
good and sad times. Drums are beaten at funerals, weddings, parties, African religious
ceremonies and churches, among other settings. In picture G, the man beating a drum could
signal a celebration that they were about to take over the farm from its owners or it could be
used a threat especially when it is borne in mind that drums are beaten at funerals particularly
in the cultural context of Shona culture.
In addition, some of the people in the picture are displaying clenched fists. A clenched fist is
the ruling party, ZANU PF’s symbol. Initially, it symbolised the fight against colonial
domination. The clenched fist is rooted in the Marxist-Leninist-Maoist ideology that was used
by ZANU PF and ZIPRA military wings as the guiding ideology during the fight against
colonialism. Thus, the clenched fist could be viewed as a communist symbol. The clenched fist
is also associated with the ruling party’s violence especially against political opponents, a view
that is in harmony with the scenario in Picture G. The axe in the photo could also be described
as a symbol of violence. Moreover, one could say that the gate separating the woman (together
with her children) and the group on the other side of the gate could also symbolise the racial
72
segregation that was experienced during the colonial period, which also resurfaced during the
land reform programme.
iii.
Mise-en-scene
A closer look at picture G would reveal that the photographer who shot this image was inside
the gate, on the side where the woman with her two children were. This is also the reason why
the photographer managed to capture the faces of the individuals who had come to seize the
farm. Also, it seems the photographer focused more on capturing the woman and the armed
individuals on the other side of the gate and this could be the reason why some people partly
appear on the picture. The picture is also a bit dim, blurred and not very clear which could be
explained by the quality of the photographing device that was used. However, it is most likely
that the picture was taken during the day considering the sufficiency of the light.
iv.
Synthesis
Picture G was taking in the early 2000s during the fast-track land reform programme in
Zimbabwe. The woman in picture G is a white Zimbabwean commercial farmer and she is with
her two children trying to avert the invasion of her farm by a group of ZANU PF supporters
consisting mainly of war veterans and youth militias. The picture is also an indication of the
trying times the white commercial farmers went through. The fact that she is defencelessly
standing with two children (who look very scared) against a group of armed and potentially
violent farm invaders shows the gravity of violence and lawlessness that characterised the land
reform programme in Zimbabwe. Apart from the man wielding an axe, the singing, chanting,
and dancing by ZANU PF supporters aims at intimidating the farm owners. This picture
cements the widely-held view that the land reform programme in Zimbabwe was largely
chaotic and associated with gross human rights violations. Such a view is shared by scholars
such as Makumbe (2006; 2009); Bratton and Masunungure (2011); Gatsheni (2009) and Ndlela
(2005), among others. Moreover, the photograph is also practical evidence of the intimidation
and human rights violations in the country which is in line with what some respondents said in
the sixth chapter of this thesis.
73
Photograph H
Late MDC President, Morgan Tsvangirai (middle [front row]) with other opposition leaders in front of
the Harare Magistrate Court after their brutal attack by the police at a rally in Highfields (Harare) on 11
March 2007 (BBC (2007)/Brian Hungwe).
i.
Denotation
Photograph H shows a group of sad looking men and a woman walking down the steps. In the
photograph in question, leading the group, are three men. One of the three men in the middle
has a swollen face and a partly shaven head. The upper part of his shirt is not buttoned. Next
to him, on the right side of the picture, putting on a blue shirt is a man with a white bandage
around his head and right arm. The man in question is also putting on some spectacles. The
third man on the left side of the picture is dressed in all black: black suit, black T-shirt and
black beret. Behind these three men, one can see three individuals dressed in what appears to
be uniforms that are blue in colour. They are also putting on helmets with transparent masks.
A woman among the three individuals on uniform has handcuffs dangling on her right hip.
Besides the three men on the front row and the three uniformed individuals; there are five more
men in the picture whose faces are also clearly visible. On the upper left and right of the
photograph are metal rods-like structures like a prison cage. There is a face that also appears
74
behind the metal rods on the upper left side of the picture. A door and two pillars at the
background of the photograph are also visible.
ii.
Connotation
The individual with a swollen face, shaven head and unbuttoned shirt is the late Morgan
Tsvangirai, the leader of the Zimbabwean opposition party, Movement for Democratic Change
(MDC). He was also the Prime Minister of Zimbabwe in a power sharing arrangement with
former President Robert Mugabe from 2009 to 2013. The man in bandages on the right side of
Morgan Tsvangirai is Lovemore Madhuku, a Law Professor and Lecturer at the University of
Zimbabwe. He is currently the leader of the opposition political party called the National
Constitutional Assembly (NCA).
The man dressed in black is Professor Arthur Mutambara, former President of Movement for
Democratic Change (MDC-M). He is the former Deputy Prime Minister of Zimbabwe from
2009 to 2013. The three individuals in uniform are members of the Zimbabwe Republic Police
(ZRP). They are from the riot department as evidenced by their helmets. In a golf T-shirt,
standing right behind Morgan Tsvangirai, is the current MDC-T President, Nelson Chamisa.
Next to Chamisa, in a red and stripped golf T-shirt is Job Sikhala the former MDC Secretary
for Defence and the current Deputy National chairperson. He is also a Member of the
Zimbabwean Parliament. Photograph H was taken at the Harare Magistrate Court in March
2007 after the brutal attack of the individuals in the picture by state security agents at a rally in
Highfields.
The dressing of Arthur Mutambara in all black in photograph H is symbolic in the sense that
in African and even in Western culture, black clothing is sometimes put on during funerals.
Mutambara’s all black attire could signify the dearth of the rule of law and democracy in
Zimbabwe. Mutambara’s beret is synonymous to socialism and is associated with figures such
as Thomas Sankara, Fidel Castro and Che Guevara, among others. The riot police in the picture
are symbolic to police brutality and oppression in Zimbabwe. In the same vein, Tsvangirai’s
battered face in photograph H also symbolises state violence and oppression. It is therefore not
surprising why The Economist (2007, March 15) describes Tsvangirai’s battered and swollen
face in the picture as “the face of oppression.”
iii.
Mise-en-scene
75
The photo in question was undoubtedly taken from the front of the group. The photographer
managed to capture the faces of the group which means that it is most likely that the
photographer was in the middle position when he/she took the photograph. In addition to that,
the photographer seems to have taken the photograph from a close range as evidenced by the
photo which shows the upper half of the photographed individuals. It is also possible that the
photographer concentrated on the upper parts of the photographed individuals to show the
injuries specifically on their heads and hands. Also, it is possible that the photographer zoomed
the individuals in the photograph from a distant position. The photograph is also of high quality
as evidenced by its clarity. The superior quality could be directly proportionate to the quality
of the camera that was used to take the photograph. From the lighting, one could tell that the
photograph was taken during the day.
iv.
Synthesis
Picture H was captured on 13 March 2017 after Morgan Tsvangirai, Lovemore Madhuku,
Arthur Mutambara and other civic society and opposition figures like Grace Kwinjeh and Sekai
Holland were savagely attacked by members of the Zimbabwe Republic Police on 11 March
2007 in Highfields (Harare). The attack took place during the Save Zimbabwe Campaign
prayer gathering which the police declared illegal and physically attacked its organisers. One
NCA activist, Gift Tandare was shot dead during the attack. After the attack, Tsvangirai,
Madhuku, Mutambara, Grace Kwinjeh, Sekai Holland and others, were arrested for breaching
peace and photograph H was shot by a BBC correspondent as the accused left the court room
at the Harare Magistrates Court in Zimbabwe.
Moreover, photograph H became an iconic image with regards to human rights violations and
rule of law deficiency in Zimbabwe. In light of picture H, Bratton and Masunungure (2011)
note that the pictorial depiction of the violence suffered by Morgan Tsvangirai and his
colleagues, evoked an international outcry, not only from the governments of Great Britain, the
European Union and the United States, but also from the African Commission on Human and
People’s Rights.
Morgan Tsvangirai’s image shown in photograph H became iconic particularly due to his
political stature in national and global politics. Importantly, the image H reflects state of
brutality, lack of rule of law and the shrinking democratic space during that time and up to the
present moment in Zimbabwe. An observation also reveals that Picture H became viral, was
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repeatedly broadcasted by various media houses and caused public outcry. These are essential
features of an iconic image, hence, the iconic status associated with Picture H.
Photograph I
MDC President, Nelson Chamisa after his savage attack on his way to Brussels by suspected state
security agents at the Harare International Airport on 18 March 2007 (BBC, 2007).
i.
Denotation
Picture I shows a man with a bloodied face. His eyes are closed as if he is either asleep or dead.
The man in question is leaning against a white pillow and is wearing a blood-stained whitish
shirt and a black jacket. The photo only shows the upper part of the man’s body. The man is
facing upwards. A white background is also visible on the upper right part of the photo.
Photograph I has a black line on its margins and the words “AP” appear on the lower right
corner.
ii.
Connotation
The man on the photograph above is Nelson Chamisa, the current President of the opposition
Movement for Democratic. Chamisa is also the former Minister for Information
Communication Technology. The photograph was taken in March 2007 at a private hospital in
Harare after Chamisa’s brutal attack at the then Harare International Airport by suspected state
77
security operatives. Despite the severity of the physical attack, Chamisa survived. In Picture I,
Chamisa appears as if he is dead especially considering that his eyes are closed, he is facing
upwards and his face is bloodied. Chamisa’s image is another symbol of state oppression in
Zimbabwe during that time. Observation also reveals that Picture I has been dominant in
international news especially in relation to political violence in Zimbabwe.
iii.
Mise-en-scene
Photograph I is most likely to have been taken from a close range considering the fact that it
shows small features like blood stains on the shirt. The photographer also captured the upper
body of Nelson Chamisa which could also point to the view that the picture was taken from a
close range. Also, the angle chosen by the photographer makes Chamisa to appear as if he is
dead. This could have been done to stir emotions and to magnify the state of human rights
violations in Zimbabwe. The quality of the photograph is also good which could show that the
lighting was sufficient, and it is most likely that a technologically advanced camera device was
used. The image also has a black line on the margins which shows that it was edited. In addition
to that, the words “AP” on the image indicate that it was taken from the Associated Press.
Maybe a full picture of Chamisa’s body was taken and the photographer edited the original
image to make it half. Moreover, from the position of Nelson Chamisa, the photographer
appears to have taken the photograph from the side of the bed.
iv.
Synthesis
The image shows the then Movement for Democratic Change Spokesperson, Member of
Parliament and the current opposition MDC President, Nelson Chamisa, after he was savagely
attacked at Harare International Airport on March 17, 2007. Chamisa was attacked on his way
to attend an Africa Caribbean Pacific-EU meeting at the European Parliament in Belgium. BBC
(2007, March 18) which broadcasted photograph I reported that Chamisa was attacked by eight
men who fled on an unmarked car after the attack. It is important to note that Chamisa was
attacked a few days after Morgan Tsvangirai, Lovemore Madhuku, Grace Kwinjeh, Sekai
Holland, Gift Tandare (killed) and others were also savagely attacked by state security agents
in Harare. The period in which Chamisa was attacked was a period where state brutality had
reached alarming levels that attracted international condemnation from the EU, US and the
African Union (BBC, 2007, March 18). Thus, Chamisa’s image represents the targeting of
opposition and civic society leaders by state security agents in Zimbabwe. The image also
portrays Zimbabwe’s lawlessness, violence, insecurity and impunity.
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Picture J
Police brutalize protestors in Harare in July 2016 (Aljazeera English (2016)/Haru Mutasa).
i.
Denotation
Photograph J shows three men in blue and grey uniform and another one who seems to be in
the same uniform but is not clearly visible as he or she is covered in what looks like smoke. On
the right side of the picture, one of the men in uniform is stepping on the head of another who
is lying on the ground. The same man stepping on the head of another is also pointing a long
gun to the front where another man in uniform is chasing and beating another individual with
a button stick. At the centre of the image, one of the individuals in uniform is running and is
carrying what looks like a transparent shield written in blue, on a white ink the word
“POLICE.” The same individual with a shield is also putting on a blue helmet.
In the picture, from the left side, almost a quarter of the image is covered in smoke. Moreover,
on the left side also, there is a bicycle placed against what looks like a huge rock. About a
quarter of the bicycle is visible on the photograph. On the background are makeshift structures
made of metal sheets. There is also relatively green grass on the side of the road where the
attack is taking place. On the road is an orange and round object that looks like a football.
79
ii.
Connation
The individuals in blue and grey uniform in the photograph in question are police officers from
the Zimbabwe Republic Police (ZRP). The one putting on a helmet and carrying a shield written
“POLICE” is from the riot section of the police. The huge smoke on the photograph is teargas
that had been fired through canisters by the police officers in question. Furthermore, the police
officer stepping on the head of another individual is carrying an AK47 riffle. In Africa and
Zimbabwe in particular, the AK47 is usually associated with the liberation war of independence
and is therefore is symbol of freedom. Ironically, in the case of picture J, the AK47 riffle is
being used for the purposes of oppression by members of the Zimbabwe Republic Police. Also,
police brutality shown in this image is reminiscent of colonial police brutality which was
manifest during the colonial period in Zimbabwe.
iii.
Mise-en-scene
Photograph J appears to have been taken by someone who was neither in front nor behind of
his/her target but by the side of the individuals captured in the photograph. The image was also
not captured from above due to the appearance and the position of individuals in the photo.
Furthermore, the photo is of high quality which could indicate that the camera device that was
used is also of excellent quality. The image was most likely taken during the day considering
the adequate lighting and the consequent clarity thereof.
iv.
Synthesis
Picture J was taken in a town called Epworth located in Harare in Zimbabwe in July 2016. The
image was broadcast on Aljazeera English and other international media networks.
Furthermore, the image was taken during a demonstration by commuter omnibus drivers and
conductors against police corruption and brutality in July 2016. In response to the
demonstration, police officers fired teargas, beat up protestors and shot some of them but there
were no fatalities. Photograph J is associated with many instances of police brutality against
the demonstrations and resistance campaigns in Zimbabwe which gained momentum in early
2016.
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Picture K
Police officer attacks Bopoto Nyandoro on the streets of Harare during a National Constitutional
Assembly (NCA) demonstration on 5 November 2005 (BBC (2005)/Brian Hungwe).
i.
Denotation
Picture K shows a man who seem to be extremely furious, chasing another individual. The man
being chased is putting on a black shirt with some white spots. The individual chasing the man
in question is putting on a uniform that is blue and grey in colour. He seems to be attacking the
man that he is chasing with a black stick. The uniformed man is also holding a blue object on
his left hand. There is a short distance separating the two men. In the background is a man
seated on the ground and putting on a white shirt. There are two uniformed individuals also
appearing in the background: a man putting on a blue and grey uniform and another putting on
a khaki uniform. There are also several people appearing in the background. In addition, there
are three white pillar-like objects appearing in front of what looks like a sliding door in the
background.
ii.
Connotation
The individual being attacked in the picture is Monday Bopoto Nyadoro. He is being attacked
with a button stick by an officer from the Zimbabwe Republic Police. The blue object that the
officer in question is carrying on his left hand is a hat. In the background, an individual seated
81
on the ground has been detained by the two police officers in uniform. The picture was taken
in 2005 during a demonstration for a new constitution by the National Constitutional Assembly
(NCA). Observation also revealed that this image has been broadcast numerous times by
regional and international media stations to show police brutality in Zimbabwe. Thus, the
image is symbolic in the context of police brutality in Zimbabwe. According to Sturken and
Cartwright (2009), symbolism is one of the key characteristics of an iconic image. Apart from
being symbolic, Picture K also went viral, is emotional and caused public outcry which
qualifies it to be classified under iconic images depicting Zimbabwe’s Crisis.
iii.
Mise-en-scene
Picture K seem to have been carefully shot by the photographer in order to for it to make what
Fishman (2017:1) calls a “cut.” The picture was taken at the right moment as the policeman
was about to thrust his button stick on the protestor. The picture in question was taken from the
side of the police officer and the protestor that he is attacking. The picture has adequate light
and is clear which might mean that it was taken during the day using a technologically advanced
camera. Considering the violence associated with it, it is most likely that the picture in question
was taken from a relatively far away distance through zooming. The black border line on the
picture also serves as evidence that it was edited.
iv.
Synthesis
The picture in question was taken in 2005 when the economic crisis in Zimbabwe was
prevalent. Like other pictures described and analysed above, picture F also shows the level of
police brutality and repression that existed in Zimbabwe during that time. Picture F also
symbolises Zimbabwe as a police state. Many observers including Humphreys (2013) argued
that Zimbabwe had become a police state where the police had unlimited power over the
citizens. Therefore, Picture K is symbolic in that regard.
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Picture L
One hundred trillion Zimbabwean dollar note during the 2008 hyperinflation period (CNN (2016)/Earl
Nurse)
i.
Denotation
Photograph L shows a banknote. On the upper left and right of the note is the figure “100 000
000 000 000.” In between the figures are words “RESERVE BANK OF ZIMBABWE.” Also,
on the upper left side of the note, below the number 100 000 000 000 000 are words in italics
“I promise to pay the bearer on demand.” Below the italicised words are words in block letters
that read, “ONE HUNDRED TRILLION DOLLARS.” Immediately after these words in the
downward direction are words in italics which read, “for the Reserve Bank of Zimbabwe.”
Below the words in question, is a signature which has the following words below it: “Dr. G.
Gono Governor.” The last words on the left side of the note in the downward direction read
“HARARE 2008.”
In addition to that, next to the words “Dr. G. Gono” on the left side, it is written “100 000 000
000 000.” Also, on the left side of the note are letters and figures in red colour written
downwards which read “AA0007512” and the same appear below a picture of what appears
like a bird on the bottom corner of the note. In the middle of the picture are three huge rocks
on top of each other. There is also some vegetation on the foot of the rocks. On the left side, in
the middle, is a feature that appears like a brown ribbon whilst on the centre-right is a blue-
ribbon feature that is diamond shaped like the previously mentioned brown ribbon. On the right
bottom side are four Xs written in a downward direction. A careful and closer look reveals that
83
on the right side of the note is a water mark with a huge animal that looks like an elephant. The
features of the note including the background are largely blue and light-blue. The brown colour
also appears in the middle of the note on the background.
ii.
Connotation
Photograph L is a picture of a one hundred trillion (100 000 000 000 000) Zimbabwean note
that was released by the Reserve Bank of Zimbabwe during the period of hyperinflation in
Zimbabwe in 2008. This was the biggest note ever released in the history of Zimbabwe which
makes it a classic symbol of hyperinflation. Notably, the bird that appears on the right bottom
part of the note is what is popularly known in Zimbabwe as the “Zimbabwe Bird” which is the
African fish eagle. The image represents one of the eight stone carved birds that were found at
Great Zimbabwe, one of Africa’s oldest ruins before the country’s independence in 1980. The
Zimbabwe Bird is the national emblem of Zimbabwe, and it features on the national flag, coats
of arms, banknotes and coins. The same emblem was also used during the colonial period in
the then Southern Rhodesia. What is important to note is that this stone carved bird was found
in Great Zimbabwe where the country’s name, Zimbabwe, was derived from. The Zimbabwe
bird is therefore a symbol of cultural heritage and national identity in Zimbabwe. It is therefore
ironic that a national symbol which is generally associated with the Zimbabwe’s “greatness”
appears on a worthless and valueless note.
Another notable and symbolic feature in photograph L are the three rocks on top of each other
also known as balancing rocks. These rocks are found in Matobo National Park near Bulawayo
in Zimbabwe. Besides being a tourist resort area, the Matobo is also a place of African
traditional spiritualism where some Zimbabweans practice and perform rituals related to
African traditional religion (ATR). The place is also home to the famous Njelele “rain-making”
shrine where some Zimbabweans pray for rains through ancestral spirits. Thus, the balancing
rocks on the one hundred trillion-dollar note can be linked to Zimbabwean culture, African
traditional religion and tourism.
iii.
Mise-en-scene
The photograph seems to have been taken by a high-quality camera device considering its
excellent quality and clarity. It is most likely that it was taken from a close range due to its
small size which can be effectively captured from a close range. Also, it is likely that the note
was captured from above while it lay on a supporting surface.
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iv.
Synthesis
Photograph L which according to observation has repeatedly appeared in many international
media stations including CNN (2016, May 6) is a note that was released by the Reserve Bank
of Zimbabwe in 2008. The note was released when Dr. Gideon Gono was the Governor of the
Reserve Bank of Zimbabwe. The photograph is iconic because it represents the zenith of the
hyperinflationary period in Zimbabwe that reached its crescendo in 2008, the same year the
note in question was released. The one hundred trillion Zimbabwean dollars note in photograph
L is the highest note ever to be released in the history of Zimbabwe. Moreover, photograph L
is symptomatic of the prevailing inflationary environment particularly from 2006 to 2008 in
Zimbabwe. A report by France 24 English (2017, January 20) pegged the inflation in
Zimbabwe in 2008 at 80 billion percent. Mandaza (2014) notes that Zimbabwe’s economic
woes emanated from government corruption, IMF and World Bank’s austerity measures as
well as the country’s economic siege through sanctions by the US and its Western allies.
Therefore, the 100 trillion-dollar note is a testimony to inflation driven by the economic
collapse during that time.
Picture M
A boy holds numerous Zimbabwean dollar notes on the streets of Harare in Zimbabwe during the
country’s hyperinflation period in 2008 (Aljazeera English, 2008).
85
i.
Denotation
Photograph M shows a young boy of African descent carrying a lot of money in form of notes.
A closer look at the upper and lower part of the notes reveals the number 200 000. The boy is
putting on a yellow T-shirt and he is smiling. Only the upper part of the boy is shown on the
picture. Next to him, on the left side of the image is a pole that is black and white in colour. On
the background appears what looks like a concrete pavement and a person (with only legs
visible) walking. On the upper left part of the picture appears only legs of a person putting on
a grey trousers and white shoes.
ii.
Connotation
The photograph in question was taken in Zimbabwe during the hyperinflationary period in the
country in late 2000s. The boy in photograph M is carrying 200 000 Zimbabwean dollar notes
that were also known as bearer cheques. The picture reflects the level of the inflation that
prevailed at that time. Firstly, the fact that a young boy is carrying such a large amount of
money on the streets shows how valueless the money was. Valuable money cannot be carried
on the streets in enormous quantities without endangering the life of the person carrying it.
Secondly, the boy’s appearance (particularly in terms of dressing) shows that he is a victim of
poverty, yet he is carrying piles of money. Ironically, the child is smiling amid a huge monetary
and fiscal crisis that mainly affected women and children. Therefore, Picture M reveals and
symbolises inflation and poverty that prevailed in Zimbabwe during that time.
iii.
Mise-en-scene
From the look of the pictures, one could assume that the boy in question was aware that he was
being photographed considering that he looks as if he was pausing and smiling for the camera.
In addition to that, the photographer seems to have shot the photo at close range considering
that it is a half photograph. The other reason why only the upper parts of the boy appear could
be that the photographer was more interested on the pile of the banknotes and the boy’s face
more than anything else. The photograph is also clear and could have been taken with a good
quality camera device. It is most likely that the photo was taken during the day considering the
adequate lighting.
iv.
Synthesis
Photograph M was taken during the hyperinflationary period (2006-2008) in the country. The
photograph was taken during an era where the then Reserve Bank of Zimbabwe Governor,
Gideon Gono tried to sustain the economic crisis in the country by the printing of money which
86
fuelled hyperinflation. Photograph M falls under President Robert Mugabe’s worst economic
performance period which political and economic analysts have termed “Mugabenomics.” In
the peak of this inflationary period in 2008, inflation reached 80 billion percent (France 24
English, 2017, January 20). Corruption, gross incompetence as well as sanctions against
Zimbabwe by the US and its Western allies contributed to the economic crisis in Zimbabwe.
The then Reserve Bank of Zimbabwe Governor, Gideon Gono’s unorthodox economic
managements style (especially overprinting of money) worsened the situation and heightened
hyperinflation.
5.2.2 Moving Pictures (Videos)
This section focuses on videos depicting Zimbabwe’s political and economic crisis.
Accordingly, two videos from Aljazeera English and France 24 English are described and
analysed. The visual imagery in question is analysed using Marotzki and Stoetzer’s (2006)
model of pictorial analysis. The two videos were chosen due to their familiarity among the
respondents and according to the characteristics of iconic images. Also, the two videos are
also extensive in covering the political crisis in Zimbabwe. The (still) iconic pictures discussed
in the previous section also feature prominently in the two videos, hence, their iconicity.
Video A
i.
Denotation
Video A was published by Aljazeera English (2010, April 15) and is entitled: “The Rageh
Omaar Report: Zimbabwe - State of Denial.” The video, which is 47 minutes and 57 seconds
long, is a documentary that was done by Aljazeera English’s Correspondent, Rageh Omaar.
The video begins by showing the afore-mentioned correspondent’s face and a note book written
in capital letters, “THE RAGEH OMAAR REPORT.” The correspondent highlights that
although Zimbabwe got independence after a brutal war; opposition or dissent is still crushed
by the government. The video then shows individuals in grey and blue uniform engaged in
running battles with what looks like protesters. The armed individuals in uniform are throwing
teargas and some of them are viciously attacking people with button sticks in what looks like
a police vehicle.
Moments later, the video shows a group of African men and women carrying logs, clubs and
metal rods and one of them telling some white people that Zimbabwe is for black people not
for whites. The place where this is happening looks like a farm. Later, in what looks like a
87
formal meeting, the video shows a white man violently pushing down a black man and saying
in Shona language “wandijairira” (You took me for granted). Another black man tries to
restrain him but he also violently pushes him and falls down as well.
A while later, frail and sick looking individuals are shown being pushed in wheelbarrows into
what looks like a hospital. Afterwards, the narrator mentions the 2008 political violence in
Zimbabwe and 13 badly injured victims of political violence are shown. The video further
shows a group of people attacking others in a big open space that looks like a football field.
The attackers are armed with huge sticks and the beatings are thorough. Thereafter, the narrator
shows a Zimbabwean 50-million-dollar banknote and explains how worthless it is. The video
further shows lots of notes being counted by a machine as well as people carrying vast amounts
of banknotes.
Furthermore, the narrator starts talking about the genocide that was perpetrated by the
government in Matabeleland and Midlands from 1983 to 1987. And numerous dead and
decomposing bodies are then shown. The reporter then mentions the 1997 riots in Zimbabwe
and shows individuals dressed in blue and grey uniform brutally attacking what looks like
protestors. One individual is struck on the head with a baton stick and collapses and wakes up
seconds later profusely bleeding from the head.
In addition to that, the video shows a group of men armed with logs breaking into compounds
and setting homesteads ablaze. The individuals are chanting and armed with axes, clubs, metal
bars and logs. Momentarily, a man addressing this group of armed individuals is shown saying
they will remain in that place until they die. In the same breath, a white man is being forced to
perform what looks like a slogan. Moments later, the video shows a person lying on the ground
looking as if he is dead and is wrapped in a white cloth. The video also shows more white
persons who are heavily injured and some of them looking as if they are dead.
Afterwards, the video shows men offloading sacks inscribed with an American flag from a
huge haulage truck. Furthermore, the video shows African men armed with clubs, axes, logs
and metal bars chanting and chasing away a white person who is in a car that is leaving a certain
homestead. Afterwards, an African man with a group of fellow African men is shown in what
looks like a confrontation with white individuals. Moments later the reporter talks about the
2008 electoral violence and shows a woman being savagely beaten by a group of people. The
woman is injured on the head and her clothes have some blood stains. Afterwards, the video
repeats the scenario of what looks like a formal meeting where one white man is exchanging
88
harsh words with an African man and he pushes him over and when another man tries to restrain
him, he pushes him down and he falls down as well. Moments later, the video shows seven
badly injured persons and the narrator mentions that they are victims of the 2008 political
violence.
ii.
Connotation
The documentary in question shows Zimbabwe’s political and economic crisis and was made
and narrated by Aljazeera English correspondent, Rageh Omaar in Zimbabwe in 2010. The
individuals in blue and grey uniform that are attacking people and throwing teargas in the
beginning of the video are members of the Zimbabwe Republic Police who are attacking
protestors on the streets of Harare during the 1997 jobs and food riots. Furthermore, a group of
African men and women carrying logs, clubs and metal rods with one of them telling some
white people that Zimbabwe is for black people are war veterans and ZANU PF youths who
were forcefully taking away farms from white commercial farmers in Zimbabwe during the
land reform programme in 2002. This scene was taken from a farm that was being invaded.
The white man violently pushing down a black man and saying in Shona language
“wandijairira” (You took me for granted) is the late former Movement for Democratic Change
Treasurer General, Roy Bennet. The clip shows a hotly heated 2004 parliamentary debate in
which Roy Bennet pushed down Patrick Chinamasa, the former Minister of Finance in
Zimbabwe. In addition to that, the people that are being pushed in wheelbarrows into a certain
institution are patients being pushed into a hospital.
The 13 badly injured individuals shown on the video are victims of the 2008 electoral violence
and torture. Correspondingly, the people that that are being attacked in what looks like a
football stadium are supporters of the opposition MDC who were attacked by supporters of the
ruling party ZANU PF during the 2008 violent elections. Furthermore, the narrator shows the
inflationary environment in Zimbabwe by showing a 50 million dollar note, a machine counting
numerous notes and people carrying stakes of money in Zimbabwe.
The numerous dead and decomposed bodies of the people that are shown are from victims of
the Gukurahundi genocide which took place from 1982 to 1987 in Matabeleland and Midlands
provinces of Zimbabwe. Furthermore, the video clip repeated by the narrator shows the 1997
riots in Zimbabwe and the individuals shown in blue and grey uniform are Zimbabwe Republic
Police members brutally attacking protestors and striking one individual on the head with a
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baton stick in the process. This attack happened at Harare gardens in Harare. Moreover, a group
of chanting men armed with logs, metal bars, axes and clubs who are breaking into compounds
and setting the houses ablaze are war veterans led by Joseph Chinotimba, a war veteran leader
of the liberation struggle and current Member of the Zimbabwean Parliament.
The person shown moments later who is lying on the ground and wrapped in a white cloth is
Terry Ford after his assassination by suspected state security agents and war veterans at his
farm outside Harare in March 2002. Terry Ford was a Zimbabwean commercial farmer of
European descent. More white persons who are heavily injured in the video are Zimbabwean
commercial farmers after their brutalisation by war veterans and supporters of the ruling party,
ZANU PF during the period of farm invasions.
The video clip that is shown afterwards which shows men offloading sacks inscribed with an
American flag from a huge haulage truck are maize sack donations from USAID meant for the
alleviation of hunger in Zimbabwe. Furthermore, the African men armed with clubs, axes, logs
and metal bars chanting and chasing away a white person who is in a car that is leaving a certain
homestead are war veterans who had evicted a white commercial farmer from his farm. The
African man shown afterwards with a group of other armed African men in a confrontation
with white individuals is the former Anglican Bishop, Nobert Kunonga during a farm invasion.
Mr Kunonga is a staunch supporter of the ruling party, ZANU PF in Zimbabwe. The woman
shown after the Kunonga saga is a victim of the 2008 electoral violence. The narrator also
repeats the attack of Patrick Chinamasa by Roy Bennet in parliament in 2004. The seven badly
injured persons shown afterwards are victims of the 2008 political violence and one of them is
Morgan Tsvangirai, the leader of the opposition MDC and former Prime Minister of Zimbabwe
during the government of national unity (GNU) which existed between 2009 and 2013. Morgan
Tsvangirai was brutally assaulted by police together with civic society and opposition leaders
in March 2007. The image of Morgan Tsvangirai is one of the iconic pictures dealt with in the
previous section of this chapter.
iii.
Mise-en-scene
The most dominant feature in the video is the use of pre-recorded moving and still pictures
from as early as the time of Matabeleland and Midlands genocide (1982-1987) to pictures of
the 2008 electoral violence. The Video clip showing running battles between the police and the
protestors during the 1997 riots was taken from a close range as this is revealed at one point
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when the policeman attempts to cover the screen of the camera to stop the camera man(woman)
from filming police brutality.
Another dominant feature in the video is the use of metapictures. This is mainly shown when
still pictures of victims of the 2008 violence and farm seizure are shown in the video through
another television in the television. Mitchell (2015:27) defines metapictures as “images of
images” and notes that metapictures “appear whenever an image appears inside another image,
whenever a picture presents a scene of depiction or appearance of an image, as when a painting
appears on a wall in a movie or a television set shows up a as a prop in a television show”
(Mitchell, 2015:18-19). Therefore, there is use of metapictures in video A.
Furthermore, the pictures showing victims of the 2008 electoral violence and farm seizures
seem to have been taken from a close range considering how vivid they are. Some were taken
from behind and in front of the victims. Some of the pictures were taken by the bedsides whilst
others only show the injured part of the body. It is also possible that these pictures could have
been zoomed from afar. Dead and decomposing bodies filmed during the Gukurahundi
genocide were also likely to be filmed from a close range considering the clarity and quality of
the pictures. The images of people being beaten up at the Harare Show Ground appear to have
been taken from above: most likely from a tall building as the images show the aerial view of
the scene. Another part of the video which shows an aerial view is the one which shows the
reporter flying over some fields with declined yields because of the land reform programme.
The clarity and superior quality of the aerial pictures shows the effectiveness of the camera that
was used for filming. There is also a part of the video which shows the reporter showing a 50
million Zimbabwean dollar note. This part was also taken from a close range as the words on
the note are clearly visible.
iv.
Synthesis
Although the reporter uses flash back by showing the Matabeleland massacres of the 80s and
the food riots of 1997, the main events covered in the video centre on the political and economic
crisis in Zimbabwe which arguably reached its apex between 2000 and 2008. The year 2000
was a turning point in the history of Zimbabwe as it witnessed the land reform programme, and
the 2000 parliamentary elections in which the newly formed MDC party nearly defeated the
ruling party, ZANU PF. The video shows war veterans and ruling party supporters invading
white owned commercial farms through force, physical attacks and arson from around 2000 to
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2002. The African Commission for Human and Peoples’ Rights (2007:5) notes that: “War
veterans and associated ZANU-PF militia occupying commercial farms intimidated and
assaulted white farm owners in the course of occupying commercial farms. By March 2002, at
least seven white farmers had been killed.” In the same vein, Ndlela (2005:75) notes that: “The
violent nature in which the farms were taken from their owners attracted bad publicity as the
international media showed images of destruction of property, torture, injury and dead bodies
of white farmers.” The images that Ndlela (2005:75) is describing rhyme with images in the
video in question. The land reform programme also heightened international media’s attention
on Zimbabwe. Terry Ford, who was assassinated in March 2002 is one of the white commercial
farmers murdered in cold blood during the land reform programme shown in the video.
Another important phenomenon shown in the video is politically related violence especially
from 2007 to 2008. The picture shown in the video of Morgan Tsvangirai with a battered face
was taken in 2007 after he was attacked in Harare together with other opposition and civic
society leaders such as Grace Kwinjeh, Sekai Holland, and Lovemore Madhuku. During the
same attack, Gift Tandare was shot dead by the police. Tsvangirai’s 2007 picture with a
battered face was described by The Economist (2007, March 15) as the face of oppression. The
picture is arguably an iconic image in relation to political violence in Zimbabwe. Pictures of
people with horrific injuries on their backs, legs and hands shown in the video are some of the
victims of the 2008 elections which Masunungure (2009) describes as militarised election due
to the terror and violence that was unleashed by the security forces against perceived opposition
supporters.
Some analysts like Masunungure (2009) and Makumbe (2009) argue that the 2008 second
round of elections, was the most violent in the history of Zimbabwe. Makumbe (2009:2) notes
that:
In the run-up to the run-off, ZANU-PF unleashed a wave of countrywide violence, which
resulted in the deaths of nearly 100 MDC supporters, the displacement of more than 50 000
people from their rural homes, and the burning of many homes by the ZANU-PF militia
working in cahoots with elements of the Zimbabwe National Army (ZNA), the Zimbabwe
Republic Police (ZRP), the Zimbabwe Prison Service (ZPS), and the Central Intelligence
Organisation (CIO).
Therefore, the images in the video dovetail with Makumbe’s (2009:2) assertions in terms of
the violence against opposition supporters during the period in question. It is also worth
mentioning that political violence and state sponsored violence on the farms damaged
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Zimbabwe’s relations particularly with the West as Bratton and Masunungure (2011) note. It
is therefore not surprising that the EU, US, Canada and Australia, imposed sanctions on
Zimbabwe in a bid to “force” the government of Zimbabwe to return to the path of democracy
and the rule of law.
The battered farmers of European descent shown in the video are Zimbabweans who lost their
land during the land reform programme and seven of them had been killed by 2002 (African
Commission for Human and Peoples’ Rights, 2007:5). Most of the commercial farmers moved
to other African countries such as Zambia, Mozambique, South Africa and Nigeria and are
reportedly boosting agricultural production in those countries. Furthermore, Makumbe (2009)
argues that the land reform programme destroyed Zimbabwe’s agricultural system.
Another pertinent issue portrayed in the video that has to be looked at is the issue of economic
collapse exhibited by inflation in Zimbabwe. France 24 English (2017, January 20) pegged the
inflation at 80 billion percent in Zimbabwe in 2008. Even up to now, Zimbabwe still struggles
economically especially from deindustrialisation, which in turn, has led to an exodus of most
of its skilled workers (France 24 English, 2017, January 20). This arguably worsens
Zimbabwe’s economic prospects. Thus, the entire video projects economic decline, politically
motivated violence and state sponsored brutality against white commercial farmers in
Zimbabwe. Just like the still videos dealt with in the previous section, the Video A contains
emotional scenes that induce fear, sympathy, and anger, among others. This is in line with
Perlmutter’s (2005) observation that iconic images are emotional.
Video B
i.
Denotation
Entitled “Video: threat of economic crisis still looms in Zimbabwe,” Video B was published
by France 24 English (2017, January 10) under the title: “Harare Revisited.” The video in
question is 16 minutes 28 seconds. Video B is presented by Stuart Norval through what looks
like a huge television screen. The video starts by showing a fifty billion banknote. Thereafter,
a man of African descent is shown holding numerous banknotes each written: “One hundred
million dollars.” On the screen, people standing on queues including women with children are
also shown. Additionally, shops are also shown with empty shelves. On the upper top of the
screen appears the words: “80 BILLION PERCENT INFLATION.”
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Furthermore, the video shows a homestead and a group of man of African descent led by
another man with a grass hat and in confrontation with white individuals. The group is armed
with clubs, knobkerries, axes and metal rods. In addition to that, the video shows what looks
like a supermarket cashier counting United State dollar notes. Thereafter, the video shows a
man saying that there is need to maintain vigilance in the face of British machinations and other
detractors. The video goes further to show the same man with another one who lifts a black
book.
In addition to that, the video proceeds to show a man throwing away huge piles of money
(notes). The reporter also mentions that the Zimbabwean government has introduced bond
notes and shows some people counting some notes. The video also shows notes and coins as
well. Furthermore, the video shows people queuing in front of a building with a sign above
them written “FBC Bank.”
Thereafter, the presenter shifts the scene to Harare to Caroline Dumay who reports from
Harare. In Harare, a musician named Oliver Mtukudzi is shown performing in a live show. He
is interviewed during the show and acknowledges the economic crisis in Zimbabwe but says
he has no plans to settle elsewhere as Zimbabwe is his home and home is always the best.
Furthermore, people are shown in a very long queue. One of the people standing in the queue,
Nelson, is interviewed and complains that there is no money at the bank and he cannot access
his pension funds. The same man is later shown at his home plucking some vegetables in his
garden.
The video shows what it says is the Reserve Bank of Zimbabwe and mentions that the RBZ
recently issued two-dollar bond notes but there are serious shortages of cash. The reporter
shows an interview with a lady called Fadzayi Mahere who is a lawyer and who had been
recently arrested for her political activism. The video of Mahere and her colleagues’ arrest is
shown on her laptop. Thereafter the reporter mentions that 93-year-old former Zimbabwe’s
President, Robert Mugabe has announced that he would be contesting the 2018 elections which
prompted opposition especially from online and cyber activists. Mugabe is also shown
condemning violent protests in Zimbabwe.
The reporter shows an interview with an Economist named John Robertson at his house.
Robertson produces all the past currencies related to inflation up to a 100 trillion note. He
argues that changing currencies and printing more money can never solve Zimbabwe’s
economic crisis. Furthermore, the reporter shows a green field with some women working on
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it. The reporter then shows a white commercial farmer named Stoffel Hawgood detailing how
agriculture has declined since the advent of the land reform programme. Hawgood also shows
what he calls bond notes and United States dollars and argues that the two cannot be equal in
value. The video concludes by showing people in a long queue.
ii.
Connotation
The video in question covers the period of Zimbabwe’s political and economic crisis which
became prominent from the year 2000. The money shown in the video was used mostly from
2006 to 2008, a period of hyperinflation in Zimbabwe. The first note shown is the 50 billion
followed by numerous 50 million notes. These notes were called bearer’s cheques and were
prominent from 2006 until their phasing out in 2009 when the inclusive government adopted
the multi-currency system which entailed the usage of the US dollar, Indian Rupee, Chinese
Yuen, Botswana Pula and the South African Rand as the currency of exchange in Zimbabwe.
The highest note that was introduced during the period in question is the 100 trillion dollars
note which is displayed by John Robertson in Video B.
The people shown queuing at the beginning of the video are people queuing for basic food
stuffs like rice, corn, cooking oil, and bread during the 2006 to 2008 shortage of basic
commodities. The evidence of shortages of groceries in supermarkets is evidenced by empty
supermarket shelves shown in the video. In addition to that, the people shown queuing at a
building with the words “FBC Bank” are people queuing to withdraw their money at the FBC
Bank in Harare amid acute cash shortages after the introduction of the local currency called
bond notes in 2016. The crisis continued up to the time of writing of this thesis. In the same
wavelength, towards the end of the video, people are shown queuing for money at the P.O.S.B
bank at the Net One building in the capital, Harare.
The man shown in the video saying that there is need to maintain vigilance in the face of British
machinations and other detractors; is Zimbabwe’s former President, Robert Mugabe and the
leader of the ruling party, ZANU PF. The video also exhibits inflation as shown by the words
on the top right corner of the screen which read “80 PERCENT INFLATION.” The period in
which inflation reached 80 billion percent was in 2008 according to France 24 English (2017,
January 20). Correspondingly, the video shows Economist, John Robertson showing valueless
notes with big figures including the 100 trillion dollars note, which was the largest currency
during the era of hyperinflation in Zimbabwe. Likewise, the video shows a man dumping stakes
of valueless Zimbabwean currency. This was most likely after the introduction of the multi-
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currency regime in 2009, during the period of the inclusive. The cashier counting US dollar
notes is from 2009, soon after the introduction of the multi-currency regime in Zimbabwe.
The man putting on a hat made of grass and leading a group of armed man at a homestead is
Joseph Chinotimba, one of the leaders of the war veterans of the liberation struggle and a
Member of Parliament in Zimbabwe. Chinotimba, together with his armed colleagues (war
veterans and ZANU PF supporters) were invading a farm belonging to one of the white
commercial farmers. The group was also oftentimes violent as shown by the weapons that they
are carrying in the video which include; axes, clubs, metal rods, and knobkerries. In the video,
reduced capacity for production after the land reform programme is shown through a field
where women are working on the land with machines for commercial agriculture.
There is also some symbolism in the video. The image of opposition MDC leader, Morgan
Tsvangirai, with a battered face after his brutal attack by the police in 2007 is arguably
symbolic to the political violence and the breakdown of rule of law in the country. The 100
trillion dollars note in the video also symbolises the inflation and the economic abyss in which
the nation of Zimbabwe was and is still sunk in.
iii.
Mise-en-scene
There is the use of metapictures in the video as shown by the presenter who appears in a
television whilst using another television screen to show images relating the economic situation
in Zimbabwe. Likewise, metapictures are also shown where the reporter shows a video of
Fadzayi Mahere and her groups’ arrest on her laptop through the television. Mitchell (2015)
describes metapictures as images of images and notes that that usually appear whenever an
image appears inside another image. In addition to that, there is also use of still pictures in the
video. Still pictures could have been extracted elsewhere and incorporated into the videos for
illustration purposes.
Although the pictures that were presented by Stuart Norval are still pictures extracted from
other sources, the ones presented by Caroline Dumay are mostly moving pictures taken from a
close range on the streets of Harare. An example of live and moving pictures taken on the
streets of Harare are those of people queuing for cash at the banks and Economist Robertson
displaying valueless Zimbabwean dollar notes. Furthermore, the images of queues at the
P.O.S.B bank were taken from behind those in the queue as their backs are shown. Some were
taken from the front, as indicated by the faces. However, the last image which shows cars and
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houses was taken from above; most likely from a helicopter or aeroplane. The camera(s) used
throughout the whole video demonstrate high quality as shown by the clarity and enhanced
quality of the images.
iv.
Synthesis
Video B mainly covers the period from 2000 up to 2017. The video mainly depicts the political
and economic crisis that obtained in Zimbabwe. The video also covers the land reform
programme as shown by images of war veterans and ZANU PF supporters invading farms
belonging to white commercial farmers in Zimbabwe. The oftentimes violent land reform
programme strained the country’s democratic transition, and Zimbabwe’s relations with the
West as noted by Makumbe (2009). Correspondingly, scholars such as Roach (2012), Badza
(2009), Mandikwaza (2016) and Gatsheni (2009) also acknowledge violence, among other
pitfalls of the land reform programme in Zimbabwe.
Another important issue covered by Video B is the economic crisis which became manifest
from 2000 and reached its crescendo in 2008. In the video, stakes of valueless Zimbabwean
currency are shown. In the same wavelength, in the video, Economist John Robertson shows a
series of these notes up to 100 trillion dollars. Moreover, France 24 English (2017, January 20)
alludes to the fact that in 2008, inflation reached 80 billion percent in Zimbabwe. Just like the
empty shelves, the inflationary currency shown in the video is symptomatic of the economic
crisis that persists up to date in Zimbabwe. The people standing in bank queues are an
indication of the current cash shortages which began after the introduction of bond notes in
2016.
There are several similarities between Video A and Video B. In relation to the land reform
programme, Video A and Video B show similar pictures of armed men and violently seizing
farms. In both videos, the men are led by Joseph Chinotimba, a war veteran of the liberation
struggle and a Member of Parliament for Buhera. The declining yields in the farms emanating
from the land reform programme are also shown in both videos. Other points of similarity
include the showing of Morgan Tsvangirai’s image after his attack by the police in 2007 and
the 100 trillion dollars note. These iconic pictures are also discussed in the previous section of
this chapter. There is also the use of metapictures in both videos. Also, the fact that there are
similar pictures in both Video A and Video B despite being made seven years apart also shows
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repetition of the pictures in question. As discussed in chapter three, repeated broadcasting of
images is a feature of iconic images. Both videos are also symbolic in relation to Zimbabwe’s
political and economic crisis.
5.3
Conclusion
Using image science, iconology and Marotzi and Stoetzer’s (2006) model of pictorial analysis
as instruments of analysis, this chapter analysed eight still pictures and two videos depicting
Zimbabwe’s political and economic crisis. The analysis of the selected iconic pictures (still and
moving) revealed that the pictures in question depict grave politically inspired violence and
economic collapse in Zimbabwe. As such, the pictorial material in question evoked emotions
of sympathy, anger and horror on the part of the researcher. Iconic images are also known for
evoking emotions. What is also striking is the fact that most of the still pictures discussed in
this chapter, also feature in the videos (moving pictures) discussed in the same chapter which
shows that the iconic images in question, were repeatedly broadcasted by the concerned
international media stations. Also, it was observed in the discussion that the two video that
were analysed possess more communicative “power” due to their “mixed media” (pictures,
sound, gestures and audio) element compared to still pictures. Another outstanding
phenomenon in the videos dealt with in this chapter is the use of metapictures in the videos in
question.
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Chapter 6: What do Pictures Do?
“The images are burnt into our consciousness: farm buildings set alight; white farmers, blood
streaming down their faces, their wives and children fleeing in terror. All around a baying mob, the
war veterans of President Robert Mugabe sent to drive them from their homes; loyal black farm workers
beaten and abused for daring to stand up to the political thugs. These scenes were shown on television
screens around the world following Zimbabwe’s land invasions of 2000,” (Hanlon, 2013).
6
Introduction
In the previous chapter, iconic pictures depicting Zimbabwe’s Crisis were studied using
Marotzki and Stoetzer’s (2006). In light of the first research question of this study, this chapter
focuses on how the respondents interpret the same iconic pictures dealt with in the previous
chapter, hence the title: “What Do Pictures Do?” Accordingly, the crux of this chapter is about
the exploration of the respondents’ feelings, thoughts, memories, descriptions and remarks vis-
à-vis the iconic pictures in question. Additionally, this chapter also compares the respondents’
interpretation of the pictures in question with the author’s interpretation of the same pictures.
In terms of theoretical insights, the chapter takes a leaf mainly from image
science/Bildwissenschaft and iconology. Since this chapter deals with pictures from 24-hour
news stations and their interpretation by the respondents of this study, the CNN effect is
significant. In line with thematic analysis, the discussion in this chapter is largely related to
themes that emerged from the respondents’ responses during the key informant interviews. In
terms of structure, this chapter is divided into four main parts. The first part discusses the
respondents’ interpretation of the iconic pictures under study in the context of their feelings,
thoughts, descriptions, memories and remarks in light of the pictures in question. The second
part tackles the pitfalls associated with pictures, especially the ones under study, from the point
of view of the respondents. Taking a leaf from Mitchell’s (1996) concept of “What Do Pictures
Really Want?”, the third part treats the pictures under study as biological entities with needs
and wants and therefore seeks to explore “what they really want.” The last part before the
conclusion compares the interpretation of the pictures by the respondents with the author’s own
interpretation.
6.1
What do Iconic Pictures Do?
Since the main aim of this study is to explore how EU officials interpret the pictorial images
under study, the question worth asking is: what do these images actually do to the respondents?
To tackle this question, it is beneficial to revisit Mitchell’s (1980) seminal article which centres
on what he terms “the language of images.” Accordingly, the language of images is concerned
about three key issues: (1) language about images (the words we use to talk about pictures); (2)
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images regarded as a language: the semantic, syntactic, communicative power of images to
encode messages, tell stories, express ideas and emotions, raise questions and “speak” to us;
(3) verbal language as a system informed by images, literally in the graphic form of writing
systems or “visible language” (Mitchell, 1980:3). Considering that this chapter focuses on the
respondents’ thoughts, feelings, memories, descriptions and remarks about the iconic pictures
selected for this study, the second key point from Mitchell’s (1980) submission is important to
this chapter as it touches on the communicative capacity of images to induce feelings, tell
stories, and express ideas. The following discussion is premised on the effects of images to the
respondents.
6.1.1 Feelings and Public Outcry
Pictures and other images in generally, are known for their impact on their consumers; hence,
Sturken and Cartwright (2009:9) posit that: “We live in cultures that are increasingly permeated
by visual images with a variety of purposes and intended effects.” One of the effects of pictures
alluded to by scholars such as Perlmutter (2005); Sassatelli (2011); Mitchell (1980); Sturken
and Cartwright (2009); and Fishman (2017), is their ability to evoke emotions and public
outcry. For instance, Sturken and Cartwright (2009:9) observe that images can produce in us a
wide array of emotions and responses. However, not all pictures are associated with such
emotions: iconic pictures or images are usually the ones characterised by emotions. Iconic
images are defined by Sturken and Cartwright (2009:36) as images that refer to something
outside of their individual components, something (or someone) that has great symbolic
meaning. Alluding to iconic images, Peter Howe cited in Almond (2013) argues that their
common denominator is that they strike us on a very deep emotional level, especially in terms
of fear, grief and joy. Iconic pictures depicting Zimbabwe’s Crisis are not an exception.
Iconic pictures portraying Zimbabwe’s Crisis depict the often-violent land reform programme,
politically motivated violence and economic decline in Zimbabwe. In light of such pictures,
Ndlela (2005:75) highlights that the violent nature in which the farms were taken from their
owners attracted bad publicity as the international media showed images of destruction of
property, torture, injury and dead bodies of white farmers. One picture which fits neatly into
Ndlela’s (2005) account is that of the dead body of white commercial farmer, Terry Ford, after
his assassination by suspected state security agents at his farm near Harare in March 2002.
Another iconic picture which fits into such a category is that of the late opposition MDC leader,
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Morgan Tsvangirai after his brutal attack by members of the police force in 2007. The picture
in question is broadly analysed in the previous chapter. Tsvangirai’s face in the picture is
described by The Economist (2007, March 15) as the face of oppression. Respondents were
asked how they felt about such pictures. Their responses were in harmony with the thesis that
iconic images evoke feelings and public outcry. Accordingly, respondent six (2015) stated that:
Most of these images were really moving as they depicted violence and suffering. I naturally
felt very pity especially when I saw images of the killed white commercial farmers; some of
them were badly beaten and had blood all over. The image of Terry Ford after his assassination
at his farm in March 2002 was very disturbing. I was moved to tears when I saw his dog seated
next to his corpse. I think the dog had not realised that he was already dead. I also felt pity and
horrified by images that depicted political violence especially between 2007 and 2008. The
images of Nelson Chamisa and Morgan Tsvangirai after their attack in the same period were
outstanding in that regard. I was also deeply sympathetic about images of women with children
on their backs who were queuing for basic commodities. Images of political violence especially
in 2008 affected me in a big way, they never escaped my mind, sometimes I could even dream
of the victims and at times these images were flashing in my mind even during the day. The
feeling and the experience were very bad.
The above response from respondent six (2015) is significant in many respects. First, it shows
the capacity of television pictures in inducing emotions which dovetails with Sassateli’s (2011)
claim that the pictures and videos that we watch on the screen elicit emotions, pleasure and
pain. To that end, the iconic pictures in question induced sympathy, pain and horror on the part
of respondent six (2015). Secondly, the respondent’s response brings to light the issue of
mental images. When the afore-mentioned respondent says that the images never escaped his
mind and that he used to even dream about them; he is referring to memories and dreams which
are categories of mental images. This also shows the capacity of images to live on in form of
memories and verbal narratives like the Israelites’ Golden Calf that was destroyed in an act of
iconoclasm but survived in form of memory, verbal narratives and other forms of reincarnation
(Mitchell, 2015). Mental images reside in the mind. The third issue that is worth mentioning in
respondent six’s (2015) submission is that he specifically mentioned three iconic pictures
selected for this study as having evoked emotions on him. This reveals the emotive potency
and iconicity of the pictures in question.
Similarly, respondent five (2015) remarked: “I was really moved. The image of Terry Ford’s
dead body moved me to tears. Most of the images were horrible. The violence that they depicted
was too shocking to believe. I therefore felt pity and angry at the same time. I wish I could help
but there was nothing that I could do. It was a political matter and that was very problematic.”
A look at respondent five’s (2015) response reveals that the pictures in question induced an
array of feelings which ranged from sympathy, horror, shock to anger. The way the pictures in
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question emotionally affected respondent 5 (2015) seem to dovetail with Burri’s (2008)
perspective in Ignatowitsch and Stahl (2015:2) that: “Images can have a special impact and
persuasive power...” It is not only respondents 5 (2015) and 6 (2015) who were emotionally
affected by the iconic pictures depicting Zimbabwe’s Crisis.
Respondent seven (2016) also noted that some iconic pictures depicting Zimbabwe’s Crisis
were extremely emotional and evoked emotions on him. To that end, the respondent noted that:
I felt very sorry especially for the dead victims of political violence and those who were killed
on the farms like Terry Ford or had their properties burnt or violently taken over by marauding
war veterans, ZANU PF youths and other functionaries that were loyal to the Mugabe regime.
I felt very pity and was deeply moved especially by the image of Morgan Tsvangirai and his
colleagues. I felt sympathetic and I think that was an understandable feeling. I wish I could
have helped more but as a diplomat, my hands were tied to some extent. Images of wailing
women after their loved ones had been killed in state-sponsored political violence were heart-
breaking just like those of pregnant women lining up for basic commodities like sugar, salt,
cooking oil, petrol and mealie-meal, among other basic needs. The image of a 100 trillion-dollar
note was symbolic and summed up the whole crisis especially in terms of inflation that
prevailed during that time.
All the 25 respondents to the study mentioned that they felt emotional after seeing some of the
iconic pictures used in this study. Closely related to the issue of pictures’ ability to evoke
emotions, is their capacity to trigger public outcry. There is scholarly work which supports the
idea that pictures have the ability to induce outcry particularly in public circles. For instance,
Fishman (2017:9) alerts us to the viewpoint that pictures “stir emotions and foster public outcry
like no other means of expression.” Correspondingly, Perlmutter (2005) also cites how iconic
images of dead US soldiers that were pulled on the streets of Mogadishu during the US’
intervention in Somalia, caused public outcry particularly in the US.
Likewise, respondents 15 (2017) observed that the images of white commercial farmers who
were attacked and those of victims of political violence in Zimbabwe caused a lot of public
outcry especially in the UK. Most of the farmers who lost their farms were connected to the
UK in terms of ancestry, hence, the public outcry. The issue of public outcry in relation to some
of the iconic pictures under study is also cited by Bratton and Masunungure (2011) who note
that the iconic image of Morgan Tsvangirai and his colleagues after their brutal attack by state
security agents in Harare in 2007, caused international public outcry, particularly in the US,
EU and African Union. Another issue that was highlighted by the respondents in relation to the
pictures under study is their connection to memory and political history of Zimbabwe.
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6.1.2 Pictures, Memory and Political History
Apart from inducing feelings, pictures also have a tendency of sticking on people’s minds in
form of memories. To that end, Fishman (2017:9) observes that studies suggest that “images
persist in memory longer and more vividly.” Correspondingly, Michael Taussig in Mitchell
(2015:32) argues that even after destruction, images may continue to be present in form of
memory for a prolonged period. A dissection of the data collected from the respondents
revealed that the pictures under study were memorable in their minds. This was established
after respondents were asked what they remembered about the iconic pictures in question. By
the same token, respondents were asked to name and describe the iconic pictures depicting
Zimbabwe’s Crisis that they remembered. It is also worth mentioning that the study of images
in relation to memory is linked to image science which is also associated with “memory images,
and also about false memory, and the dubious status of “recovered memory” (Mitchell,
2015:27). Thus, the study of the iconic pictures selected for this study vis-à-vis the memory of
the respondents, is in harmony with the dictates of image science/Bildwissenschaft and
iconology.
In light of the iconic pictures depicting Zimbabwe’ economic meltdown and the memories of
the respondents thereof, respondent nine (2016) said: “I remember a young boy who used to
appear on BBC carrying stakes and stakes of money in form of notes. I also vividly remember
the one hundred trillion dollars note which I think was the biggest note at that time. One cannot
forget the winding queues for food and fuel especially in Harare.” The first two images
described by respondent nine (2016) are iconic pictures selected for this study. However, what
is important to highlight is that such pictures still existed in the minds of the respondents. Some
of the pictures described by the respondents like that of Terry Ford date back to the year 2002
yet the respondents still remembered them. This shows the capacity of pictures to stick in the
memory of their consumers. In remembrance of pictures depicting the (violent) land reform
programmes and political violence in Zimbabwe, respondent 10 (2016) said:
I remember the image of Morgan Tsvangirai. You cannot run away from it. It is quite prominent
that you cannot run away from it. You can see him with a torn shirt, shaven head with some
wounds. I also remember images of white commercial farmers who were displaced from their
properties, some with wounds and in some cases, dead. I remember the dead body of Terry
Ford on CNN after his brutal assassination by suspected ZANU PF supporters. This caught the
attention of the international media. We also have these images of opposition political parties’
members who were being beaten and some even dead and this showed the level of human rights
violations by the state and the ruling party, ZANU PF.
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The picture of Morgan Tsvangirai after his attack by the police in 2007 was repeatedly
mentioned and described by the respondents; no wonder why the picture gained iconicity. Also,
the image of Terry Ford’s dead body is also remembered and repeatedly mentioned by the
respondents. In the same vein, respondent 11 (2016) noted:
I remember in 2007 the image of a battered and bandaged Morgan Tsvangirai with his head
shaven and full of horrible wounds. He was with Professors Lovemore Madhuku and Arthur
Oliver Guseni Mutambara. There is also the image of Nelson Chamisa after his attack at the
airport during the same year. The images were too horrible to look at. Grace Kwinjeh and Sekai
Holland were also attacked together with Morgan Tsvangirai in 2007 and their images are still
fresh in my mind. In relation to the land reform programme, I cannot forget the image of Terry
Ford’s body lying on the ground after his assassination by suspected state security agents. In
relation to inflation and economic meltdown, there were images on BBC and Aljazeera of
people carrying stakes of valueless money. One of these images includes that of a very young
boy on the streets of Harare.
From the descriptions of the respondents above, it is clear that they still have vivid memories
of the pictures that they are describing. What is worth mentioning is that most of the pictures
that were described by the respondents were selected for this study and are widely discussed in
the previous chapter of this thesis. Moreover, respondent 14 (2017) gave a more detailed and
lengthy account concerning the images that she remembered:
I remember the images of commercial farmers being evicted and their property being burnt.
There was also an image from the BBC of a scared woman standing with her children amid an
altercation with war veterans and ZANU PF youths who wanted to take over her farm. It was a
pitiful image. In relation to political violence, it is not easy to forget Morgan Tsvangirai’s
battered face and head after being beaten to pulp by the police in 2007 together with Lovemore
Madhuku, Sekai Holland and Grace Kwinjeh. Also horrible is the image of Nelson Chamisa
after his vicious attack by alleged state security agents at the Harare International Airport in
2007. Chamisa’s image went viral and was all over international news stations such as BBC,
CNN, Aljazeera and even on France 24, if I am not mistaken. Then, you come to the issue of
the so-called Operation Murambatsvina where the government demolished houses of mostly
the poor in 2005. I remember photos of stranded urban citizens. I could not look at the photos
twice. They were too brutal to be true. Some of the photographs are still flashing in my mind.
The images which showed the dire economic situation are also still fresh in my mind. I
remember images of children carrying or playing with loads of money. On BBC, I watched
empty shelves in the supermarkets, there was absolutely nothing. I also remember long queues
of people waiting for fuel, bread, oil, paraffin, salt and mealie-meal. I will never forget those
images.
In addition to the above respondents, all the respondents remembered some pictures and
managed to give detailed descriptive accounts in relation to them. The descriptive accounts of
the respondents about the pictures in question is evidence that images have the capacity to
continue existing as memories in the minds of individuals. Memories fall under mental images
in Mitchell’s (1986:10) image family tree which is encapsulated in the idea of imagery. The
descriptive accounts of the respondents also tally with some of the pictures selected for this
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study: Tsvangirai picture with a battered face in 2007; Nelson Chamisa after his attack in 2007;
female commercial farmer standing with her children by the gate and a young boy carrying
stakes of money in 2008, among others, discussed in the preceding chapter.
Another protruding point that emanated from the respondents’ responses is that they associated
the iconic pictures selected for this study with the country’s political and economic history. For
instance, respondent two (2015) argued that: “Pictures play a key role in representing and
revealing different epochs across history. Pictures from different historical episodes such as the
Holocaust, Apartheid in South Africa and 9/11 attacks in the United States, play a significant
role in capturing these historical events. Therefore, pictures are important in the carving of
history of any nation and Zimbabwe is of no exception.” In the same vein, 13 out 25
respondents mentioned that the iconic pictures depicting Zimbabwe’s Crisis are now deeply
embedded in the country’s history.
Respondent eight (2016) noted that the pictures depicting Zimbabwe’s political and economic
crisis have become “an indelible part of Zimbabwe’s history and will last for generations to
come.” Furthermore, the respondent noted that the history of Zimbabwe’s political and
economic crisis cannot be written without the images in questions. In addition to that,
respondent three argued that: “Pictures depicting Zimbabwe’s political and economic
predicament are part of the country’s history, just like those that depict the country’s liberation
struggle and other historical periods of the country.” Therefore, it could be said that the iconic
pictures selected for this study, play an important role in the carving of Zimbabwe’s history.
6.1.3 Pictures versus Statistics and Words
Another issue which protruded during the interviews was the comparison between pictures on
one hand, and verbal and statistical discourses on the other hand. From a comparative point of
view, the fundamental question especially in relation to this study is: which has more impact
pictures or words and statistics? Studies have been done in a bid to tackle this question. For
instance, Davies (2017) attempts to tackle this question by citing empirical data that reveals
that 68% of Donald Trump’s supporters distrust government statistics on immigration whilst
55% of the UK’s population believe that the government is hiding something on the same issue.
Interestingly, the same individuals believe in photographs about immigration as opposed to
statistics. Therefore, this could be evidence of how statistics and words are losing value in the
face of pictures and images. By the same token, Fishman (2017:9) observes that: “As a form
of communication, pictures greatly matter because our brains generally prefer pictures above
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words. Eye-tracking studies show that people read few news articles but do pay a lot of
attention to the accompanying photographs.” Therefore, this could be related to Mirzoeff’s
(1999:3) view that: “Seeing is a great deal more than believing these days.” Did EU officials
prioritize the pictures selected for this study over verbal and statistical narratives about
Zimbabwe’s Crisis? This section seeks to answer this question by outlining and assessing what
the respondents said about the pictures in question vis-à-vis words and statistics relating to the
country’s crisis.
Some respondents regarded pictorial images as a more pronounced physical evidence of
Zimbabwe’s Crisis compared to verbal and statistical reports. To that end, respondent one
(2015) argued that: “Unlike statistical reports which can be manipulated, images are important
in the sense that they are physical evidence of Zimbabwe’s political and economic crisis. They
can be sent to Brussels as evidence of political violence and economic decline.” In relation to
pictures being tangible evidence of political violence and economic collapse in Zimbabwe, it
is important to highlight Bourdieu’s (1999:162-163) assertion that: “Photography is considered
to be a perfectly realistic and objective recording of the visible world because (from its origin)
it has been assigned social uses that are held to be “realistic” and “objective” ...because that
which is visible is only ever that which is legible.” This statement supports the view that the
iconic pictures related to Zimbabwe’s Crisis play an important role in terms of reflecting the
reality on the ground. However, as it shall be later revealed in this chapter, pictorial images are
also prone to manipulation according to parochial expediency. For one to get a full picture a
given situation, it is advantageous to merge the pictorial and verbal narratives to come up with
a “full picture.”
In addition to that, respondent one (2015) noted that although the EU values statistical reports
as empirical evidence relating to Zimbabwe’s Crisis, statistics lack the emotive power of
pictures to stir anger, grief, sympathy and fear, among others. In line with the afore-mentioned
respondent’s submission, Mitchell’s (1980:3) concept of “the language of images” is closely
linked with images’ ability to “express ideas and emotions.” Correspondingly, Fishman
(2017:9) alerts us to the fact that, psychologists found that, “the impact of a story is more
determined by the photograph than the story itself because images “stir emotions and foster
public outcry like no other means of expression.” Therefore, it could be said that pictures
possess more emotive strength compared to words and statistics. In the same wavelength,
respondent 20 (2017) noted that pictures are “livelier” compared to statistics and therefore,
their impact is significant.
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In the same wavelength, other respondents were of the view that the pictures selected for this
study (or iconic pictures in general), have a pronounced capacity to express messages compared
to rhetoric and statistics. For instance, respondent 15 (2017) pointed out that: “No words or
statistical report can adequately describe the battered face of Morgan Tsvangirai after his attack
by the police in 2007 or the image of Terry Ford after his horrific murder by state security
agents in 2002. Pictures portray political and socio-economic events and situations better than
words and statistics.” More than half of the respondents shared the same perspective with
respondent 15 (2017). Therefore, this indicates the communicative or expressional ability of
pictures compared to words and statistics. Although pictures such as the iconic pictures selected
for this study possess “communicative power,” the potency of verbal narratives should not be
overlooked. In some cases, some reports provide vivid verbal narratives and descriptions which
in turn promote clarity and comprehension on the part of the reader. Such vivid language could
be categorised under “verbal images” cited by Mitchell (1986:10). It is also worth mentioning
that verbal images also dovetail with visual culture especially when it is born in mind that
visual culture is not limited to the “visual.” In the same vein, Mitchell (2015:26) mentions that
image science should also consider language and verbal images in its approach.
Another important trend the emerged from the discussion with the respondents is that pictures
live longer in memory compared to statistics. In that regard, respondent 18 (2017) noted that
although verbal and statistical reports are important and give more explanations compared to
pictures, it is important to note that “pictures stick to memory” for longer periods of time
compared to statistics and words. The same respondent went further to highlight that she still
remembers pictures of the victims of the land reform programme in Zimbabwe in the early
2000s but cannot recall verbal and statistical reports that she read during the same period. More
than half of all the respondents shared the same sentiments. Therefore, one can say that pictures
exist in the mind for longer periods of time compared to words and statistics.
Another school of thought that came up during the interviews with respondents is that pictures
are somehow “universally understood,” a view that Stahl and Ignatowitsch (2015:2) seem to
share. For instance, respondent 11 (2016) explained what he meant by saying that “pictures are
universally understood” and to that end, argued that pictures can be understood across different
social groups within the society compared to statistical and verbal reports which are more
“intellectual” by nature. The afore-mentioned respondent noted that even the illiterate can
relate to a picture and make a meaning out of it. In relation to that, respondent five (2015) noted
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that if one sees the image of Morgan Tsvangirai with a battered face after his attack by the
police, those who know him might identify him and whether you know him or not, it would be
evident that his face is injured, and he is in pain. Thus, from such a perspective, one might say
that “images are universally understood” although they are subject to varying interpretations.
However, the point worth underlying is that despite being subject to varied interpretations,
pictures can be “read” even by the illiterate compared to words and statistics.
6.1.4 The Impact of Television Pictures- “Mixed Media”
Television pictures are characterised by a blend of pictures, text, gestures, and sound. This
phenomenon is linked to Mitchell’s (1998:89) observation that “all media are mixed.” In the
same vein, Mitchell (2015:114) posits that: “Media are always a mixture of sensory and
semiotic elements, and all the so-called “visual media” are mixed or hybrid formations,
combining sound and sight, text and image.” In the context of this study, it is important to
highlight that most respondents to the study cited these mixed elements (pictures, sound,
gestures and text) as key in terms of the effects of the iconic pictures under study to their
consumers. Therefore, this section seeks to discuss such responses.
Respondent 11 (2016) to the study observed television imagery including the iconic pictures
selected for this study, combine sound, audio and body language and that is why they stick to
memory compared to radio and newspaper stories. The same respondent said this could be
probably why she still remembers the images of the 2000 land reform program and yet had
forgotten many stories that she heard or read about it during the same time. Respondent 12
(2016) also mentioned that the effects of the iconic pictures under study especially in the
context of memory and emotions was accentuated by live coverage of pictures accompanied
by text and sound. Therefore, the mixture of audio-visual properties of television pictures
(videos), gives them leverage in as far as their effects especially in terms of memory and
evoking emotions on the part of the respondents are concerned.
Furthermore, respondent 19 (2017) also noted that television images (including those under
study) are “livelier” because of their motion, sound, and body language which produces a
powerful effect on the part of the viewers. This viewpoint seems to be important considering
that there is a tendency to overlook the “mixed media” element especially when focusing on
television imagery. Mitchell (1998:93) strongly dispels the notion that: “We watch television,
we don’t listen to it…the remote control has a mute button, but no control to blank out the
picture.” Although Mitchell’s (1986) argument is premised on the notion of “mixed media,” it
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can be stretched to television pictures and the importance of sound, gestures, and text thereof.
From the above discussion, one could say that, because television images are conveyed through
“mixed media,” this amplifies their effects on the viewers, in this case, EU officials. The effect
of pictures on their consumer is also at the core of iconology.
6.1.5 Iconoclasm, Conflicting Camps and Counter Images
This section is related to what the respondents said about the pictures under study. A dissection
of the data collected from the respondents also revealed that there were acts of iconoclasm in
relation to pictures depicting Zimbabwe’s political and economic crisis. Mitchell (2015:27)
defines iconoclasm as the effort to destroy images, particularly for political and religious
expediency. Moreover, it is also worth highlighting that iconoclasm is not only limited to
images but also to verbal and textual discourses, hence, Mitchell (2015:32) adds that
iconoclasm is not just the destruction of graven images but also the purging of words and ideas
to arrive at a purified language. The biblical narrative of the destruction of the Golden Calf in
a bid to fight idolatry by the Israelites represents a classic example of iconoclasm. Cases of
iconoclasm in Byzantium, Syria, Afghanistan, Iraq, USA, South Africa and Nigeria are
highlighted in the third chapter of this thesis. Acts of iconoclasm are triggered by iconophobia
which is defined by Larsson (2012) as the suspicion and anxiety towards the power exerted by
images. Accordingly, this section discusses iconoclasm in Zimbabwe’s Crisis from the point
of view of the respondents. Also, the state’s efforts to counteract pictures depicting
Zimbabwe’s Crisis will also be discussed. Since the analysis of data reveals that pictures
depicting Zimbabwe’s Crisis led to the emergence of two diametrically opposed camps: (1)
journalists and (2) government officials; this chapter will also discuss about these two
antagonistic camps, from the point of view of the respondents.
Although the respondent did not specifically mention the word “iconoclasm” in their responses,
their responses and descriptions rhyme with iconoclasm in many respects. For instance, 20 out
of 25 respondents acknowledged that since 2000 up to 2008, the state was hostile to foreign
journalists and went to the extent of damaging their cameras and images in order to suppress
the image of violence and economic collapse in Zimbabwe. Such anxiety and hostility towards
images fit neatly into the iconoclasm grid. In the same vein, respondent 18 (2017) argued that
the hostility of the Zimbabwean government towards journalists is an acknowledgement of the
power of images as the government was afraid that foreign journalists were going to report
(pictorially and verbally) what was happening in the country. The same respondent noted that
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local and international journalists covering Zimbabwe during the land reform programme were
in many cases forced to delete some “sensitive” pictures (still and moving) they had taken by
state security agents.
The narrative of the persecution of journalists is also corroborated by Willem’s (2011) account
which reveals that the government of Zimbabwe tried to suppress the images of political
violence and economic collapse in the country through cancellation of media houses’ operating
licenses, destruction of photographs and videos, expulsion and physical persecution of
international journalists mainly from BBC, CNN, France 24, and AP, among other international
media stations. Also, Willem’s (2011) account is in harmony with the dictates of iconophobia
and iconoclasm by Zimbabwe’s government.
Local journalists and media houses were not spared from the state’s hostile attitude. A case in
point is the bombing of the Daily News premises in Harare by suspected state security agents
in 2001 (BBC News, 2001, January 28). Such a hostile attitude by the Zimbabwean government
in a bid to suppress images, including through the destruction of journalists’ cameras,
newspapers and their premises, dovetails with the concept of iconoclasm. In his presentation
at the Haus der Kunst, Mitchell (2012) cites three phases related to iconoclasm: the first phase
involves the existence of an image before its destruction (past), the second phase relates to the
images during its destruction (present) whilst the third phase relates to the re-emergence or
reincarnation of the same image after its destruction (future). However, the argument that
protruded from the respondents is that the government of Zimbabwe was fully aware of the
“power” of images, hence, the attempt to suppress and destroy them, as well as the gagging,
expelling and persecution of local and international journalists. For instance, respondent seven
(2016) argued that it is most likely that some of the iconic pictures selected for this study
triggered fury and hostility from the government of Zimbabwe. Therefore, it could be said that
the iconic pictures depicting Zimbabwe’s Crisis triggered acts of iconoclasm from the state.
Acts of iconoclasm by the Zimbabwean government seem not to have been a well calculated
move. For instance, respondent 25 (2017) noted that: “The government of Zimbabwe made a
mistake by expelling and persecuting international journalists as this led to increased
international media attention on the country and consequently, the emergence of numerous
negative pictures and videos about the country. The government’s actions were tantamount to
“shooting the messenger.” In fact, seven respondents to this study also observed that
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government’s actions in the context of the persecution of journalists and suppression of images
depicting the (violent) land reform programme, political violence and economic collapse
backfired as this led to more media attention on the country and the proliferation of images
which the government sought to suppress.
Some respondents noted that even after the expulsion of foreign journalists by the government,
some foreign journalists working in cahoots with civic society members and local journalists
in Zimbabwe managed to take more pictures and make documentaries in relation to the
country’s political and economic crisis. Willems (2011:94) concurs with this perspective and
notes that:
Despite the government’s refusal to accredit BBC correspondents, the broadcaster still managed
to produce at least seven documentaries on the country, apart from regular feature stories on
the news. According to a report published by a BBC watchdog, out of 48 documentaries shown
on the BBC from November 2000 to January 2004, Zimbabwe received most attention with
seven documentaries. Zimbabwe came after the Israel/Palestine conflict which was covered in
16 documentaries. Apart from regular news features, programmes like Correspondent,
Panorama, Hard Talk and Breakfast with Frost carried several editions on Zimbabwe. Most
documentaries were made by reporters not officially accredited by the Zimbabwean authorities.
Both John Sweeney and Fergal Keane came to Zimbabwe on tourist visas which further seemed
to dramatize the content of programmes.
From Willem’s (2011) observation above, it can be deduced that the more the Zimbabwean
government tried to suppress the news (including images); more documentaries (images) were
actually made about the country. This scenario dovetails with the thesis by Michael Taussig
that the destruction or suppression of images, is a sure way of guaranteeing them an even more
potent presence in memory, or as reincarnated in new forms, hence, the fundamental law of the
physics of the image is that images cannot be destroyed (Mitchell, 2015:32). More than half of
the respondents cited attempts by the government to suppress the images pertaining to the
political and economic crisis in the country as straightforward evidence that they knew the
negative effect of these images, especially on the national image of Zimbabwe, hence, their
desperate attempt to suppress them.
From the above discussion, it can be deduced that the pictures depicting Zimbabwe’s Crisis,
including the iconic pictures selected for this study, created two diametrically opposed and
ideologically conflicting groups: (1) government officials who suppressed and destroyed
images and; (2) journalists who wanted to expose the images in question in order for the
international community to be aware of Zimbabwe’s Crisis. The former group can be best
described as the iconophobes and iconoclasts whereas the latter could be associated with the
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iconodules and iconophiles. As indicated in the theoretical and conceptual framework chapter,
an iconodule is the one who reveres images whereas an iconophile according to the Thesaurus
Dictionary is the: “one who loves icons, illustrations, pictures.” Although the pictures depicting
Zimbabwe’s Crisis were not “revered” or loved by journalists due to their graphic nature, the
same journalists did not want them suppressed and destroyed. Such journalists are arguably
closer to iconodules and iconophiles, as opposed to iconophobes and iconoclasts. Citing the
case of Byzantium, the discussion in chapter three also showed that iconodules were willing to
take extreme measures to promote the preservation of images and to avert their destruction. In
Zimbabwe’s scenario, Willem (2011:94) mentions that international journalists took extreme
measures including disguising themselves as tourists in order to make documentaries related
to Zimbabwe’s Crisis.
More than half of the respondents to the study highlighted the hostility between the government
and international journalists. Therefore, it could be said that, pictures depicting Zimbabwe’s
Crisis led to the emergence of two conflicting groups: (1) iconophobes and iconoclasts and (2)
iconophiles and iconodules. It is also important to highlight that both iconology and image
science are associated with the above-mentioned groups. Accordingly, Mitchell (1986:3)
observes that: “Iconology turned out to be, not just the science of icons, but the political
psychology of icons, the study of iconophobia, iconophilia, and the struggle between
iconoclasm and idolatry.” In relation to image science, Mitchell (2015:26) also points out that
image science should address the divisions between iconoclastic and iconophilic camps, hence,
the discussion of these camps in this chapter.
Importantly, it was also observed by some respondents that apart from attempts to suppress
and destroy images related to Zimbabwe’s Crisis, the state also tried to counteract negative
international media publicity and images through propaganda and other counter images. For
instance, all the respondents cited state propaganda and the accompanying pictures especially
on national broadcaster (ZBC) as an effort to counteract pictures from the international media
and negative publicity in general. State propaganda during that time is associated with the then
Information Minister, Jonathan Moyo. For instance, Gatsheni (2009:1150) describes Moyo as
“an able articulator and promoter” of such a propaganda campaign between 2000 and 2004. In
the same breath, Gatsheni (2009:1150) cites an example of one propaganda jingle related to
the land reform programme, engineered by Moyo and crafted along theological lines: “In the
beginning was the land. The people were on the land. The people owned the land. As it was in
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the beginning, so shall it always be. Welcome to Zimbabwe. We are down to earth!” In fact,
Chitando cited in Gatsheni (2009:1150) argues that Jonathan Moyo “masterminded one of the
most sustained propaganda campaigns in postcolonial Africa.” A closer look at the above
jingle shows that it is also linked to verbal imagery.
An observation by the researcher also reveals that state propaganda during that time heavily
relied on songs, speeches and pictures which qualify as verbal and pictorial images
respectively. The purpose of such propaganda was to create a “counter image” in reaction to
the international media’s image about Zimbabwe. This is in line with Mitchell’s (2012) thesis
that “every image creates a counter-image.” Thus, the international media publicity which was
characterised by pictures in relation to Zimbabwe, led to the intensification of state propaganda
which could be described as an effort to create a counter image by the state.
6.1.6 Viral and Repeated Pictures
Iconic pictures have a tendency to go viral and be repeatedly broadcast across different forms
of media. This school of thought is supported by scholars such as Perlmutter (2005) and
Lovelace (2010). Also, Perlmutter (1998; 2005) alert us to the fact that the advancement in
technology has made it easy to reproduce, share and broadcast images. Some pictures,
including those selected for this study, assumed the status of “viral” images because of the
numerous times they have been shared across different kinds of media. As highlighted by
Mitchell (2013), iconology is also concerned with the movement of images across the media;
a phenomenon related to viral images. The author of the thesis observed that the iconic pictures
under study went viral and were repeatedly broadcast by 24-hour news stations like Aljazeera
English, BBC, CNN and France 24 English, among others. Repeated and viral images are also
associated with the CNN effect. Since this study is also interested in what respondents said
about the iconic pictures under study, it is therefore worth discussing respondents’ views about
the viral iconic pictures selected for this study vis-a-vis their effects.
The popular perspective that is in line with scholarly viewpoints and the dictates of the CNN
effect is that viral and repeatedly broadcast pictures have more impact on their consumers.
Such a thesis supported by CNN effect leaning scholars such as Robinson (2013); Ammon
(2001); Sharkey (1993); Vilmer (2012) and Perlmutter (2005), among others. However, a
discussion with the respondents revealed a counter-thesis to this widely held standpoint as some
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respondents to this study argued that the effects of viral and repeatedly broadcast images
(specifically those selected for this study) diminished over time due to excessive repetition.
Respondent 15 (2017) was of the view that Zimbabwean stories accompanied by images
depicting violence on the farms, in political processes and in relation to economic meltdown
dominated the international news especially around 2000 to 2008 to the extent that the images
ended up “losing impact” due to massive repetition and their viral nature. Additionally, the
respondent noted that in the beginning, the images stoked public emotions and provoked public
outcry, but the situation changed along the way as people “got used to the images.” Therefore,
this could show that viral and repeatedly broadcast images have the potential to lose their
impact with time due to the viewers’ “adaptation” to the graphic nature of such pictures.
Moreover, respondent 16 (2017) noted that the (viral) iconic pictures and their repetition
thereof on international television news stations created “boredom” which consequently
curtailed the effects and “value” of such television imagery. The view that the repetition of
pictures by television station makes them lose their impact is related to an Aljazeera (2017,
September 30) report broadcast in 2017. In the report in question, it was noted that the
overproduction, repetition and sharing of Che Guevara’s iconic image has diluted the image’s
message. Therefore, this arguably shows that repeated and viral photos suffer from the risk of
losing value or getting their message diluted and pictures depicting Zimbabwe’s Crisis are not
an exception, as evidenced by some respondents’ responses.
Furthermore, respondent 20 (2017) concurred with respondent 15 (2017) and noted that viral
and repeated images create “emotional resistant” on the part of the viewers. In relation to that,
the respondent cited the case of Syria and observed that during the start of the conflict, there
was a lot of public outcry in relation to the atrocities that were taking place during the on-going
Syrian conflict. The respondent added that however, with time, policymakers and the public in
general, seem to have developed “insulators” against the emotions evoked by the images in
question. Thus, it can be said that real-time news images and viral images make the viewers to
be used to, accustomed or “comfortable” with them, with the passage of time. In the same
wavelength, 10 respondents mentioned that pictures depicting Zimbabwe’s political and
economic crisis lost their impact especially in terms of inducing emotions and public outcry,
due to over repetition by international media stations.
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6.1.7 Gender and Racial Bias
As shown in the theoretical and conceptual chapter of this thesis, both image science and
iconology give us the possibility of studying what people say about images (Mitchell, 2015;
1986). In line with the aim of this study of exploring how the pictures selected for this study
are interpreted by the respondents (EU officials); respondents were asked to make any remarks
in relation to iconic pictures depicting Zimbabwe’s Crisis. It is against this backdrop that the
issue of gender and racial bias in light of the pictures in question emerged. Therefore, this
section discusses what the respondents said in the context of gender and racial bias vis-à-vis
the iconic pictures selected for this study.
Ten respondents were of the view that there was gender bias in the pictorial coverage of
Zimbabwe’s Crisis by international media stations as the pictures that characterise the
country’s crisis, largely depict men at the expense of women. For instance, respondent 18
(2017) noted that an observation would reveal that although Morgan Tsvangirai was attacked
by the police with women such as Grace Kwinjeh and Sekai Holland, his image became the
most dominant in international news at the expense of that of his afore-mentioned female
colleagues. In addition to that, respondent 20 (2017) noted that although known female activists
such as Lucia Matibenga, Beatrice Mtetwa and Johana Mamombe have been brutally attacked
by the police and ZANU PF functionaries many times, their images did not become as
dominant as their male counterparts like Lovemore Madhuku and Nelson Chamisa. It is against
such a backdrop that the respondents argued that the pictures under study mirror gender bias
by the international news networks in question. Such an argument is also in line with
observation by the author of this thesis.
The gender bias in relation to the pictures selected for this study fits into the patriarchal
narrative that is often accentuated by the way in which the media represent women. This is in
harmony with Wood’s (1994:31) observation that:
First, women are underrepresented, which falsely implies that men are the cultural standard and
women are unimportant or invisible. Second, men and women are portrayed in stereotypical ways
that reflect and sustain socially endorsed views of gender. Third, depictions of relationships
between men and women emphasize traditional roles and normalize violence against women.
In light of the above submission by Wood (1994) and in the context of this study, it could be
said that the iconic pictures under study reflect the underrepresentation of women which also
makes them “invisible” in light of the political violence meted out against them. The danger
with such underrepresentation and “invisibility” of women in the media in general is that it
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could normalise violence against them. However, in the case of Morgan Tsvangirai, it could be
said that his picture probably became prominent due to his political stature as he was the leader
of the main opposition party, the MDC. However, the prominence of Nelson Chamisa and
Lovemore Madhuku’s pictures, smacks of gender bias in terms of female pictorial
representation.
In addition to gender bias mirrored by the iconic pictures depicting Zimbabwe’s Crisis, some
respondents also cited racial bias specifically in relation to pictures associated with the land
reform programme. To that end, eleven respondents cited racial bias associated with iconic
pictures depicting the land reform exercise in Zimbabwe. The crux of their argument was that
not only white Zimbabweans were victims of the land reform programme yet the international
media and particularly the pictures under study, tend to overlook black farm workers who
worked on the same farms that were seized during the land reform programme. Respondent 22
(2017) noted that scores of black farm workers were killed during the land reform programme,
yet their pictures remain extremely scant and nowhere near gaining an iconic status like the
two iconic pictures selected for this study which depict violence during the land reform
programme against white commercial farmers.
The argument above by the respondents corroborates observations by the researcher which also
revealed that there was indeed racial bias in the pictorial coverage and representation of black
farm workers in the international media in the context of the land reform programme in
Zimbabwe. Although scholars such as Sachikonye (2003) chronicle the predicaments that
befell black farm workers during the land reform programme which include; destruction of
property, loss of livelihood, violence and death; there are no significant and dominant pictures
from the international media depicting such predicaments. According to some respondents,
such “racial bias” is mirrored by the iconic pictures selected for this study. In the context of
observation, one could say that the fate of black farm workers in terms of international media
coverage, specifically in terms of pictorial coverage, remained in the periphery. This is despite
reports by Independent (2000, April 24) as early as 2000 that black farm workers were being
killed during the land reform programme in Zimbabwe. Considering such reports and scholarly
evidence, one could concur with the respondents that mention racial bias in relation to the
iconic pictures under study. In short, it is worth to underline that respondents’ submissions
coupled with the researcher’s observations reveal that the pictures relating to the land reform
programme reveals racial bias against black farm workers. The reason behind that could be that
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the international media stations in question, could have wanted to raise awareness about the
situation particularly in the EU, US and broader Western world.
6.2
Pictures and Foreign Policy
Another theme that emerged from the data collected from the respondents relates to pictures
selected for this study vis-à-vis the EU’s policy attitude towards Zimbabwe. The discussion
about the pictures under study and the EU-Zimbabwe relations nexus is in harmony with this
chapter’s heading: “What Do Pictures Do,” and also in line with the exploration of the effects
of the pictures under study on the respondents. The study of the effects of pictures on its
consumers is one of the several aspects of iconology. As mentioned earlier on, Mitchell’s
(2013) interview in Budapest teaches us that iconology is the study of the interpretation of
images’ meanings and how they affect us emotionally, intellectually, and cognitively. The
discussion of the pictures under study and the EU’s attitude towards Zimbabwe vis-à-vis the
respondents’ views is also in line with the phenomenon called the “CNN effect” which is
defined by Robinson (2013) as shorthand for the notion that mainstream news media (including
its images) were having an increased effect upon foreign policy formulation. As this discussion
shall shortly reveal, some of the respondents believed that the graphic pictures depicting
Zimbabwe’s Crisis from international news stations, somehow swayed the EU’s attitude
towards Zimbabwe.
Although the idea that television pictures can influence foreign policy trajectories has remained
a subject of debate among scholars and policymakers; scholars such as Vilmer (2012),
Perlmutter (1998; 2005), Ammon (2001) and Sharkey (1993) believe that the CNN effect,
which largely hinges on television pictures, has a bearing on foreign policy formulation and
implementation especially in global politics. However, Havens (2001) remains sceptical about
the impact of pictures on foreign policy and even accuses Ammon (2001) of tending to
“overstate the power of television imagery.” Mitchell (1986) also cautions against the
overemphasis of the effects of images. In concurrence with Havens (2001) and Mitchell’s
school of thought, it can be highlighted that, some respondents also cautioned on the dangers
of overemphasis of the “power” of the pictures under study since verbal and statistical
narratives about Zimbabwe’s Crisis are also influential.
In making a case for images and foreign policy nexus, the afore-mentioned scholars cite the
Somali, Libyan and Syrian cases as evidence that television imagery has the capacity to alter
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foreign policy trajectories in global politics. Before discussing the respondents’ standpoints
about the pictures under study vis-à-vis Zimbabwe-EU relations; it is worth briefly focusing
on the Somali, Libyan and Syrian examples. Such a discussion is necessary as some
respondents also drew parallels between and among the Zimbabwean, Syrian, Somali and
Libyan cases.
6.2.1 The Somali, Libyan and Syrian Cases
Before delving much into the discussion, it is important to highlight what foreign policy entails.
Modelski (1962:6-7) defines foreign policy as: “The system of activities evolved by
communities for changing the behaviour of other states and for adjusting their own activities
to the international environment.” From a general perspective, foreign policy is a set of rules
and guidelines that guide states, regional or international organisations in their relations with
each other. Does television imagery affect foreign policy formulation and implementation in
any way? This section seeks to tackle this question by discussing the Somali, Libyan and Syrian
scenarios.
Sharkey (1993) argues that television pictures “drive foreign policy.” In a bid to support such
a stand point, Sharkey (1993) cites the example of the US intervention and pull-out of Somalia
in 1992 and 1993 respectively. In light of the Somali case, both Perlmutter (2005) and Sharkey
(1993) argue that the US intervened in Somalia because of televised pictures of starving
children and pulled out because of images of dead US soldiers who were pulled on the streets
of Mogadishu. Perlmutter (2005:118) dubs the Somali images: “Entrance Icons vs. Exit Icons.”
Therefore, it is important to note that images that sway foreign policy are usually associated
with an iconic status, hence, Perlmutter’s (2005:118) “Entrance vs. Exit Icons” label. In light
of the CNN effect and icons related to Somalia, Holmes (2010) observes that: “For a war that
began with memorable images, it is both fitting and ironic that it ended because of another set
of dramatic images.” Therefore, the US intervened and pulled out of Somalia due to television
imagery which evoked feelings and caused public outcry in the US thereby forcing the Clinton
administration to act on the situation.
Furthermore, Sharkey (1993) argues that that: “The photos from Somalia are...the ...example
of how visual images can affect foreign policy” and adds that: “The photographs and the
reactions they evoked sparked a nationwide debate about the political and ethical implications
of the pictures and the media’s influence on foreign policy.” Correspondingly, Perlmutter
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(1998:1) classifies such images as “icons of outrage.” A sift through Sharkey’s (1993) work
reveals that images or pictures cause outcry on the part of the public and government officials
which could lead to a seismic shift in foreign policy as evidenced by the Somali case. This in
line with the dictates of the CNN effect. Holmes (2010) categorises iconic images into two
categories: the famous and the infamous. The following is one of the “infamous” iconic images
related to the Somali case study that is shown by Holmes (2010) which appeared on the CNN,
among other international news channels.
Picture N
A US soldier’s dead body is dragged on the streets in Somalia in 1992 (Holmes, 2010).
Apart from the Somali case, Vilmar (2012) cites images of brutalised protesters during the
Libyan revolution as having played a role in the US and its allies’ intervention in Libya in
2011. In relation to Libya and Somalia and the role of the pictures thereof, Vilmar (2012) cites
the “CNN effect” as an important element to that regard. What is important to highlight is that
the “CNN effect” relies heavily on the picture as Vilmer (2012) notes. Another case where the
impact of pictures and the CNN effect was at play is when the Syrian government allegedly
used chemical weapons against women and children in April 2017. At least 80 people were
killed and the images of their horrific dead bodies where broadcast on international media
platforms and attracted international condemnation and action specifically from the US. In light
of the same incident, The Washington Post (2017 April 7) notes that: “This week, it was the
images- gruesome photos of a chemical weapons attack on Syrian civilians — that moved
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Trump, pushing the president, who ran on an “America first” platform of non-intervention, to
authorize the launch of 59 Tomahawk cruise missiles at Syrian targets Thursday night.” This
is arguably one of the notable examples of the impact of pictures on policymaking.
Furthermore, another picture which appeared in the international media and which caused a lot
of public outcry even amongst world leaders, including in the US, is the picture of a Syrian
toddler named Alan Kurdi who drowned in Turkey in September 2015. The picture, which
went viral, was shown on CNN (2015 September 12), among numerous television news
stations. After seeing the picture, the then US President, Barrack Obama, called for urgent
action in dealing with the Syrian refugee crisis. CNN (2015 September 12) reported that:
“President Barack Obama said Friday that the image of a lifeless toddler who washed ashore
on a Turkish beach after he and his family fled Syria should prompt action from the rest of the
world, including the United States.” By the same token, “Obama said every country needed to
do more to help alleviate the crisis, and that the United States would accept at least 10,000
Syrian refugees in the next fiscal year. He also said the U.S. would try to eliminate some
bureaucratic hurdles toward entering the country” (CNN, September 12). This incident shows
a clear relationship between the impact of the mentioned televised picture and the US foreign
policy trajectory in Syria, specifically in relation to the refugee crisis. Below is the picture of
Alan Kurdi’s lifeless body which evoked public outcry around the globe.
Picture O
Allan Kurd on the shores of Turkey after his death on 2 September 2015. He died when he and his
family were fleeing the Syrian Civil War (CNN (2015) /Nilufer Demir).
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According to some scholars, the effect of pictures and the resultant action thereof (CNN effect)
varies. In the same vein, Robison in Vilmer (2012) proposes the “strong,” “weak” and “Zero
effect” model as an instrument of gauging the CNN effect. Accordingly, the “strong effect” is
related to television imagery that causes public outcry and possibly followed by concrete
political action like the Somali case in the early 1990s. The “weak effect” scenario relates to
those cases which raise relative public outcry and relative action. However, Robinson in Vilmer
(2012) argues that there is no “zero effect” scenario since all images are associated with effects
albeit in varying degrees. However, the Rwandan Genocide case study runs contrary to the
dictates of the “strong effect” argument. For instance, Havens (2001) notes that: “a flood of
images of human suffering did not change US policy, providing a limit case of television’s
diplomatic influence. Here, the horrific images of machete-hacked bodies did not sway public
opinion...” Therefore, the Rwandan scenario is not in line with the dictums of the CNN effect
in general and the “strong effect” argument in particular. What about television imagery
depicting Zimbabwe’s Crisis? Did it change the country’s relationship trajectory with the EU?
The next chapter tackles this question from the point of view of the respondents.
6.2.2 Pictures and the EU’s Attitude towards Zimbabwe
This section seeks to discuss respondents’ remarks about the iconic pictures under study vis-à-
vis the EU’s attitude towards Zimbabwe. Such a discussion is line with studying what
respondents say about pictures, which is in harmony with the dictates of iconology and image
science/Bildwissenschaft. Since this section is also associated with the effects of pictures on
the respondents, the CNN effect becomes essential. However, before getting into the details of
the discussion, it is important to briefly highlight the natures of the EU-Zimbabwe relations
matrix and its regulatory framework.
The EU-Zimbabwe relations or cooperation fall under the broader EU-Africa relations
spectrum. In the same vein, Babaud and Ndung’u (2012:16) alert us to the fact that current EU-
Africa relations hinge on two instruments of cooperation which are; the Cotonou Agreement
(2000) and the Joint Africa-EU Strategy (2007). Furthermore, Babaud and Ndung’u (2012:16)
add that the Cotonou Agreement is a partnership agreement between the EU and 79 African,
Caribbean and Pacific (ACP) countries, which builds on the four Lomé Conventions which
governed EC-ACP cooperation between 1975 and 2000 whereas the Joint Africa-EU Strategy
is meant to deal with issues of common concern like peace and security, migration, trade, and
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regional economic integration. Therefore, Zimbabwe-EU relations and cooperation are
traceable to these frameworks of cooperation.
In addition, Gara (2009:19) traces Zimbabwe-EU relations from 1980 and notes that the
relationship broke down in 2002 as evidenced by the EU’s imposition of sanctions on
Zimbabwe. Due to the violent land reform and elections of 2000 and 2002, the EU imposed
sanctions on Zimbabwe in 2002 citing, among other things “strong polarisation, political violence and
.... severe shortcomings” (Vollan cited in CNN, 2002, March 12). The EU’s sanctions against Zimbabwe
included: an arms embargo; a ban on technical assistance; financing and financial assistance
related to military activities; a ban on the supply of equipment that could be used for internal
repression; a visa ban for ministers and government officials and their spouses; and freeze of
the assets belonging to ministers and government officials (Treasury Customs and Excise
Division, 2006:3). Although the EU has been reviewing its sanctions on Zimbabwe, Zimbabwe’s former
President, Robert Mugabe, his wife and the Zimbabwe Defence Industries remained on the sanctions list at the
time of writing this thesis. However, the EU has lifted most of its political and economic restriction on
Zimbabwe. Efforts to normalise the relations are currently underway, especially in light of the assumption of
power by the new President, Emmerson Mnangagwa after the unceremonious removal of Robert Mugabe by
the army from the political scene. Despite the relatively frosty relations, EU remains Zimbabwe’s biggest trading
and humanitarian aid partner (European Commission, 2017). It is against such a background of political and
economic cooperation that the study was interested in exploring how EU officials interpret iconic pictures
depicting Zimbabwe’s Crisis.
Pictures play an important role in any organisation’s progression, hence, Evans and Hall (1999:2) observe
that it is hard to think of one institution in society that does not use reproduced images. As this
discussion will shortly reveal, the EU is not an exception. In addition to that, scholars such as
Naveh (2002:1) argue that the media (including its images) is involved in all stages of foreign policy
formulation processes and political leaders take the media into consideration in its national and international
aspects. All the respondents to this study acknowledged the essentiality of pictures, including those from the
media, in their everyday work. In the same vein, Baum and Potter (2008) also link the media, foreign policy and
public opinion, among other variables. In line with the first research question of this study, respondents were
asked how they generally interpret the pictures under study, the issue of how the afore-mentioned pictures
impacted on the EU-Zimbabwe relations matrix cropped up. For instance, respondent one (2015) pointed out
that:
The images affected the way the country is perceived by the EU and they acted as straightforward
or empirical evidence that there are no property rights in Zimbabwe and the rule of law had broken
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down to unbelievable and unacceptable levels. This is contrary to the EU value system and as a
result, trust and mutual friendship began to deteriorate. No wonder why the EU imposed targeted
measures against Zimbabwe in 2002. These targeted measures can also be related to political
violence which was also witnessed during the farm invasions. Although there are reengagement
efforts, the relationship has remained sour. In addition to the images, statistics especially from
reputable NGOs and civic society organisations in relation to political violence and farm
occupations also played a significant role in shaping the EU’s attitude and foreign policy towards
Zimbabwe.
What is important to note in the above quotation is the acknowledgement by the respondent
that the images projected violence and a result, are partly to blame for the EU’s imposition of
sanctions on Zimbabwe. It is also important to note that when it comes to foreign policy issues,
images are only a small part of the bigger picture. For instance, Sharkey (1993) notes that
although television pictures could drive foreign policy to some extent; culture, economic and
political interests should also be put into consideration as they also play a significant role.
Correspondingly, Havens (2001) also notes that a host of historical and cultural factors
including race, economics and history of relations ought not be overlooked when dealing with
the effect of images especially in relation to their influence on foreign policy. As shall be later
revealed, apart from pictures, there are other factors that influenced EU’s stance on Zimbabwe.
Furthermore, respondent three (2015) noted that the images discouraged investors from EU
countries to invest in Zimbabwe and noted that: “The dark cloud painted by these images made
investors to be reluctant to visit the country and this lowered EU foreign direct investment
(FDI) into Zimbabwe in a big way. In many instances, the EU discouraged member states and
individuals from investing in Zimbabwe.” Additionally, the same respondent also noted that
even inflation was evident on some of the images especially those of people carrying stakes of
notes and this also whittled down the zeal to invest in Zimbabwe by the business community
from the European Union. Considering such a point of view, it could be said the pictures in
question had a bearing on EU’s attitude towards Zimbabwe as noted by some respondents.
In addition to that, respondent four (2015) strongly agreed that the pictures from the
international media had a bearing on the EU-Zimbabwe relations. To that end, the respondent
in question noted that:
I think that the images had a bearing especially if you consider the fact that Zimbabwe was
sanctioned by the EU, US, Canada and Australia due to its disregard for human rights and civil
liberties. These human rights violations were largely reported by the media and the images that
portrayed them were evidence of these abuses. So, the media especially through its pictorial
evidence played a vital role in the decision leading to the sanctioning of the country. However,
it should also be highlighted that diplomats through their cables also played a key role.
Importantly, diplomatic cables sometimes rely on pictorial images.
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Although they differed on the extent, 12 respondents to the study noted that the decision by the
EU to impose sanctions on Zimbabwe in 2002 was somehow related to television pictures
portraying violence particularly on the farms and during election times. In the same
wavelength, one of the respondents cited the image of Terry Ford who was assassinated by
suspected state security agents in 2002 as one of the images which swayed the EU foreign
policy on Zimbabwe, considering the public outcry that the image generated. In addition to
that, respondent five (2015) noted that apart from the imposition of restrictive measures on
Zimbabwe by the EU in 2002, the European bloc also issued travel warnings, and this affected
both tourism and FDI from the EU. “I remember the EU issued several travel warnings to
tourists in relation to political violence in the country. Such violence, which was also pictorially
portrayed in the international media is part of the reason why the EU imposed travel restrictions
on the country in 2002,” noted respondent five (2015). Furthermore, another EU diplomat
based in Harare noted that pictures play an important role in their work and they sometimes
send pictorial evidence even to the EU headquarters in Brussels; hence the importance of
pictures in foreign policy issues. However, despite the acknowledgement by all respondents
that the pictures in question somehow influenced the EU policy stance and trajectory on
Zimbabwe, the same respondents also cited several other important factors.
According to the respondents, other key factors shaping the EU foreign policy and attitude
towards Zimbabwe include; reports from local and international NGOs, government officials’
inflammatory rhetoric, hostile investment policies and the diaspora lobby, among others. In
relation to NGOs and civic society lobby, respondent 12 (2016) argued that reports from
reputable and local and international organisations such as Crisis in Zimbabwe Coalition,
Zimbabwe Human Rights NGO Forum, Lawyers for Human Rights, Transparency
International, and Amnesty International, among others, oftentimes provided reliable and
“scientific data” about the situation in Zimbabwe compared to pictures that can be subjected to
different meanings, interpretations and manipulation. The respondent argued that such reports
played a crucial role in shaping the EU’s attitude towards Zimbabwe.
Another factor that influences EU-Zimbabwe relations according to some respondents are
Zimbabweans who leave abroad and who have persistently and consistently lobbied the
European Parliament and the EU Commission in relation to Zimbabwe’s political and
economic crisis. In the same wavelength, respondent two (2015) argued that the diaspora lobby
plays a significant role not only in the externalisation of Zimbabwe’s political and economic
crisis but also in raising awareness and lobbying the EU and the broader international
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community to act on the situation in the country. In this regard, respondent 13 (2016) gave
examples of demonstrations and petitions to the EU headquarters in Brussels of organisations
such as Tajamuka/Sesijikile, Sokwanele/Zvakwana and Restoration of Human Rights in recent
years and noted that besides the international media and its “ugly” pictures about Zimbabwe,
such petitions by diaspora lobby groups also play an important role in providing valuable
information in relation to lobbying and information provision to the EU. One could therefore
argue that such lobbies could impact on EU’s commitment to FDI and tourism in Zimbabwe.
It is also worth mentioning that, Zimbabweans that are involved in the lobbies are mainly based
in South Africa, UK, US, Belgium, Australia, among other countries. Most of these
Zimbabweans in the diaspora fled political repression and shrinking economic opportunity in
Zimbabwe.
However, it is also worth mentioning that most of these lobby organisations by Zimbabweans
in the diaspora use pictures and videos to illustrate political violence and economic decline in
Zimbabwe. Some of the pictures used by these lobby organisations in the diaspora are the same
as the ones the international media has been showing over the years including the iconic
pictures selected for this study. A closer look at the websites and activities of
Sokwanele/Zvakwana and Restoration of Human Rights, among other diaspora lobby
organisations, will reveal that pictures form an integral part of the diaspora lobby project.
Citing the popular adage that a picture is worth more than a thousand words, respondent 12
(2016) noted that even some of the petitions submitted by some lobby groups to the EU
embassy in Brussels contains pictures revealing deep-seated political violence and economic
collapse; hence the importance of pictures. Therefore, pictures cut across televisions screens,
websites, reports and petitions.
All the respondents to the study cited policies that were unfriendly to investors such as the land
reform programme and the Indigenisation and Economic Empowerment Act (2007) as
stumbling blocks to EU-Zimbabwe relations, specifically in the areas of tourism and
investment. Respondent 19 (2017) noted that the indigenisation law drives away investors from
the EU whilst the land reform programmes indicates that Zimbabwe is a country that does not
respect property rights, hence the discouragement of EU nationals and companies to invest in
Zimbabwe. According to the Indigenisation and Economic Empowerment Act (2007), foreign
companies and potential investors must cede 51% of their shareholding to “indigenous” or
black Zimbabweans. This means that every foreign company or potential investor must have a
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maximum shareholding of 49%. Violation of the indigenous law is liable to five years
imprisonment.
However, efforts are underway to revise the indigenisation law by the new government led by
Emmerson Mnangagwa. This is being done to make the law investor friendly. On the other
hand, the land reform programme which started in 2000 which entailed the compulsory
acquisition of land in the hands of white commercial farmers in Zimbabwe seem to have been
put to a halt by the current regime in Zimbabwe. However, the respondents emphasised more
on the above factors as compared to the images under study. In light of the respondents’
remarks, one could associate the pictures under study vis-à-vis their impact on EU-Zimbabwe,
with the “weak effect” phenomenon. However, their impact should not be overlooked.
6.3
The Pitfalls of Pictures
According to most respondents of this study and several scholars such Robinson (2013),
Perlmutter (1998; 2005), Vilmer (2012) and Ammon (2001) and Sharkey (1993), among
others; pictures have a powerful effect on individuals especially due to their capacity to stick
to memory, carve history, stir emotions and public outcry, entrench stereotypes and sometimes
trigger action from policymakers. However, despite their “power,” pictures are not immune
from drawbacks and shortcomings. Therefore, this section seeks to discuss these pitfalls or
shortcomings of the pictures under study and pictures in general, particularly from the point of
view of the respondents.
6.3.1 Manipulation, “Fake News,” Subjectivity, Selectivity and the “Missing” Picture
From the discussions with the respondents during the research, a number of shortcomings
associated with the pictures under study and pictures in general which emerged include;
pictures’ susceptibility to manipulation, selectivity and subjectivity and their inability to tell a
complete story. A sift through the responses of the respondents reveals that some of them were
wary of the fact that pictures could be manipulated. In the same vein, respondent seven (2016)
noted that: “Whilst modern technology has made it easier to produce and distribute numerous
pictures across space and time, the same technology has also made it possible for pictures to
be “photoshoped,” “doctored” or manipulated in pursuit of narrow individual and institutional
interests.” As evidence to these claims, respondent seven (2016) cited the example of the
Jewish Orthodox newspaper called Di Tzeitung which manipulated the famous White House
Situation Room iconic picture taken during the Bin Laden raid by deleting Hilary Clinton and
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another woman from the photograph. Therefore, this is clear evidence that pictures are not
immune from editing or “manipulation” for personal and institutional expediency.
Picture P
Bin Laden’s capture image “photoshopped” by Di Tzeitung newspaper by removing Hillary Clinton
(Doble (2010)/Di Tzeitung).
Respondent 16 (2017) also pointed out that in the digital age of advanced technology and “fake
news,” it could be possible that some of the pictures that were shown on BBC and CNN were
manipulated for the purposes of political expediency. Six respondents to the study mentioned
that pictures run the risk of manipulation and the iconic pictures under study should not be
treated as an exception. However, respondent 20 (2017) argued that although pictures are
subject to manipulation, “reputable” media houses such as the BBC, Aljazeera, France 24 and
CNN are less likely to manipulate images as they have a reputation to protect.
Some scholars alert us to the fact that, apart from being prone to manipulation, pictures are also
subjected to acts of “selectivity” by journalists and media houses. This means that journalists
and media houses choose, sometimes in a biased fashion, the pictures that they want to
broadcast according to institutional expediency. In the same wavelength, Fishman (2017:1)
notes that: “At the scene, the camera creates an infinite number of images but only one or two
will get published.....With each catastrophe, photo editors at major news organisations will
examine thousands of images of devastation, looking for one that will make a cut.” This shows
that photojournalist tend to select images that they think best depict the situation or in line with
their agenda. In the same vein, Charaudeau, Lochard and Saoulages in Vilmer (2012) argue
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that: “the priority given (...) to spectacular images and unifying subjects with high emotional
impact such as the exhibiting and relating of the victims’ lives, reveals bias in the way the
conflict is dealt with...” This selection of images from a pool of others is what Vilmer (2012)
labels “selectivity.” In light of selectivity, 11 respondents argued that the iconic pictures
depicting violence during the land reform programme extremely overlook the plight of black
farm workers in favour of the white commercial farmers. This shows a selective approach to
the broadcasting of images, hence, selectivity.
However, the challenge with selectivity is that it has the potential to distort the reality on the
ground. For instance, Sharkey (1993) notes that in the Somali case; the images distorted the
situation on the ground as they were one-sided since they did not show food being delivered in
Mogadishu as well as Somalis who demonstrated in support of the slain US soldiers. One could
say that, had these “positive images” been shown, the perception of the situation would have
taken a different dimension. By the same token, the same argument can be extended to
Zimbabwe where a closer look could reveal that the international media seem to have been
obsessed with showing negative pictures at the expense of the positive ones. This could be
linked to the wider negative publicity problem that African countries still face from
international media stations. For instance, Okgibo (2007:109) observes that international media
houses always focus on “the bizarre and absurd” when covering Africa. This means that there
is a deliberate selectivity approach in terms of stories and accompanying pictures of the media
houses in question. Another challenge with selectivity is that it creates a scenario characterised
by “missing pictures” which portrays an incomplete story. In one of her speeches, Nigerian
Novelist and Storyteller, Ngozi (2009) warns of “the danger of a single story” as it might lead
to stereotypes due to the overlooking of the other side of the story. Therefore, there is a danger
that selectivity in Zimbabwe which could be associated with the “single story” pictorial
narrative.
Another challenge which is associated with the pictures under study is that they are also
subjective as they are subjected to different interpretations and meanings. In light of
subjectivity and varying interpretations, Bonnell (1998:11) posits: “Like books, images and
their combinations may be "read" in unpredictable ways. Pictures meant to emphasize class
identity also conveyed—often unintentionally and subliminally—ideas about gender and
gender relations, ethnicity, and other forms of cultural and social identification.” By the same
token, two respondents interpreted the image of a woman with two children being evicted from
her farm differently. One respondent said it showed boldness on the part of the woman whilst
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another said it was one of the most pitiful images depicting the land reform programme. The
two-conflicting interpretations of the same picture show that pictures are prone to multiple
interpretations and meanings, hence, subjectivity. Sharkey (1993) warns that real time images
of violence and conflict are also subjective and have the potential to distort public opinion and
government priorities. The next section deals with pictures vis-a-vis perception hurdles, optical
illusions and blindness.
6.3.2 Optical illusions, Perception Hurdles, Blindness and Deafness
In addition to other challenges discussed above, pictures are also associated with optical
illusions which could affect even their perception by the viewer. For instance, Yale (2014)
alerts us to a condition called prosopagnosia (a neurological disorder that impairs a person’s
ability to perceive or recognise faces; also known as face blindness). People suffering from this
condition have nothing wrong with their vision but their perception. Therefore, individuals
suffering from this condition might have challenges to perceive certain faces on pictures.
Perception challenges could also be associated with optical illusions. Therefore, consumers of
pictures, even those selected for this study, could face such a challenge. However, no
respondent to this study suffered from the prosopagnosia condition.
Another drawback related with pictures is that those who are visually impaired (blind) cannot
see them. Even if someone else was to describe the picture to them, it would be impossible for
them to reproduce the exact image in their mind. In addition to that, the blind cannot see the
gestures especially in relation to moving images (videos). Although the deaf cannot hear the
sound (in relation to videos) they can actually see the moving images, gestures and the text.
Although pictures subject the blind and deaf to such challenges, it is important to note that
visual culture in general does not overlook deafness and blindness. In the same vein, Mitchell
(1998:90) notes that: “Visual culture entails a meditation on blindness, the invisible, the
unseen, the unseeable, and the overlooked; also, on deafness and the visible language of
gesture; it also compels the attention to the tactile, the auditory, the haptic, and the phenomenon
of synesthesia.” Thus, blindness and deafness limit the affected individuals to fully consume
television images but such individuals remain in the realm of visual culture.
6.4
What do Pictures Want? The Biological Aspect of Pictures
When it comes to the study or analysis of pictures, there is a tendency by scholars and
researchers to gravitate towards the study of their effects. In that regard, focus is usually on
their emotive capabilities, their description and the language used to describe them, their
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movement, how they are perceived, and the memories associated with them, among various
aspects. However, one of Mitchell’s (1996) seminal articles runs contrary to this conventional
approach by treating pictures as biological or living organisms with desires, needs and wants.
In light of the biological dimension of pictures, Mitchell (1996:74) poses the question: what do
pictures really want? In the same wavelength, Mitchell (1996:74) adds that, if one could
interview pictures one encounters in a year, what answers would they give? Surely, many of
the pictures would give Chaucer’s “wrong answers”: that is, pictures would want to be worth
a lot of money; to be admired and praised as beautiful; to be adored..., they would want a kind
of mastery over the beholder (Mitchell, 1996:74). Against the above backdrop, one could also
pose the question: what do iconic pictures depicting Zimbabwe’s Crisis really want? Taking a
leaf from Mitchell’s (1996) work cited above, this section seeks to tackle this question.
Since the pictures under study depict victims of political violence and economic collapse,
maybe they want to be seen by many relevant authorities (including the international
community) who can intervene to salvage the situation. In that regard, they might desire to go
viral since Mitchell (1996:73) argues that “some images…have legs.” As discussed in chapter
three of the thesis, scholarly evidence, observations and respondents all pointed to the fact that,
the iconic pictures under study went viral and were repeated several times on international
television news stations such as the BBC, CNN, France 24 English and Aljazeera English. In
this regard, it could therefore be a coincidence that these pictures wanted to be repeated and to
go viral in order to be “heard” by the concerned stakeholders, including EU officials. On the
other hand, since these pictures painted a gloomy picture about Zimbabwe, maybe they did not
want to go viral in order to “protect” the national image of Zimbabwe from the damaging
effects of negative international media publicity and scrutiny.
Furthermore, part of the discussion in this chapter revealed the pictures’ ability (specifically
those under study) to induce emotions and even provoke public outcry. A sift through the
responses of the respondents reveal that their feelings towards the pictures ranged from; anger,
hopelessness, fear, horror, pity and sympathy. However, Mitchell (1996:81) argues that: “What
pictures want is not the…effect they produce.” Therefore, if one stretches Mitchell’s (1996:81)
standpoint, one can argue that the pictures under study might not even be interested in the
effects that they produce. Contrariwise, the same pictures could want to induce feelings such
as fear, anger, pain and sympathy to warrant attention and intervention from concerned parties.
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Moreover, Mitchell (1996:82) concludes his work by arguing that pictures might want nothing:
“What pictures want then is not to be interpreted, decoded, worshiped, smashed, exposed,
demystified, or to enthral their beholders. They may not even want to be granted subjectivity
or personhood by well-meaning commentators who think that humanness is the greatest
compliment they could pay to pictures.” Therefore, even the pictures under this study might
want nothing after all; including being asked what they want. In the same vein, the pictures
under study may want to be left alone. However, such a scenario is almost impossible
considering the facts that, the pictures in question, portray acts of massive political violence
and economic suffering which makes ignoring them almost impossible.
6.5
Pictures of Zimbabwe Crisis and their Interpretation: A Comparative View
In the previous chapter of this thesis, still and moving pictures selected for this study were
studied (interpreted) using Marotzki and Stoetzer’s (2006) model of pictorial analysis. On the
other hand, this chapter sought to assess how the respondents (EU officials) interpreted the
same pictorial material. Therefore, this section seeks to compare how the author of the thesis
and the respondents interpreted the above-mentioned pictures. In addition to that, this section
also assesses whether there were any variations in the way officials from different EU
institutions (European Parliament, European Commission and EU Delegation to Zimbabwe)
interpreted the pictures in question.
As indicated in the preceding chapter, the study of the pictures selected for this study using
Marotzki and Stoetzer’s (2006) model of pictorial analysis demonstrated the ability of such
pictures to provoke deep emotions; especially anger, horror, hopelessness and sympathy.
Similarly, respondents to this study also indicated that the same pictures stirred the same
emotions on their part. The pictures of Terry Ford’s dead body, Morgan Tsvangirai’s battered
face, and a woman helplessly standing by the gate with her children during the seizure of her
farm, stood out in that respect. Also, Scholars such as Perlmutter (2005), Sharkey (1992) and
Vilmer (2012), among others, advance the claim that pictures have the capacity stir emotions
and sometimes, public outcry.
Another point of convergence between the author’s interpretation of the pictures and that of
the respondents relates to the “power” of moving pictures (videos) over still pictures. The
analysis from Marotzi and Stoetzer’s model showed that, in terms of impact, videos are more
potent compared to still pictures; a conclusion that is in harmony with the viewpoint of most
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respondents. The potency of videos over still pictures emanated from the fact that videos
consist of a combination of sound, gestures, text and pictures which produces a “powerful”
effect compared to still pictures, hence, their potency. Another point of convergence that is
worth highlighting is that apart from stirring emotions, the pictures in question paint a grim
and gloom picture on the national image of Zimbabwe which could potentially curtail tourism
and foreign direct investment in the country. Both the respondents and the author identified
gender and racial bias in terms of media representation of women and blacks vis-à-vis political
violence and suffering in Zimbabwe; an issue that borders on patriarchal hegemony and racial
bias, respectively.
However, there are some conclusions which the author reached but which the respondents did
not establish. For instance, the author established symbolism as a dominant phenomenon in
most of the pictures that were dealt with in the last chapter. Such symbolism was overlooked
by the respondents in their interpretation of the same pictures. As the discussion in the last
chapter revealed, symbolism associated with the pictures under study relates to communism,
war, cultural heritage, suffering and a police state.
The study of the pictures in question also established the use of metapictures in an artistic and
ironic form to portray violence and extreme suffering in Zimbabwe. Metapictures are pictures
inside other pictures and a television that appears inside another television set is an example of
a metapicture (see Mitchell, 2015). As shown in the last chapter, a number of metapictures
were identified in the two videos that were selected for this study. Despite their existence, the
respondents did not mention any metapictures. Additionally, there were no significant
variations in the way the respondents interpreted the pictures under study despite their varied
political backgrounds, ideological inclinations and geographical location.
6.6
Conclusion
This chapter tackled the first research question of this study which is premised on how the
pictures selected for this study are generally interpreted by EU officials. Accordingly, the
respondents’ feelings, thoughts, perceptions, memories, remarks and descriptions vis-à-vis the
pictures in question were analysed. Therefore, an array of emotions (fear, pity, horror, anger,
and hopelessness etc.) invoked by these pictures was underlined. Also, it was revealed that the
pictures under study stuck in the memory of the respondents for longer periods compared to
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verbal and statistical narratives. In addition, it was noted that moving television pictures are
“livelier” and more potent compared to still images due to the former’s ability to combine
sound, text, gestures and pictures; as illustrated by Mitchell’s (1998). The chapter revealed
iconophobia and iconoclasm and the two ideologically conflicting camps: those who were
anxious about the pictures and wanted them destroyed and those who wanted them preserved
and exposed to the public: iconophobes and iconoclasts and iconodules and iconophiles,
respectively. In addition, the pictures also led to the emergence of a counter image in form of
colossal state propaganda. Additionally, it was noted that the over-repetition and viral nature
of the pictures under study diluted their message, contrary to the CNN effect trajectory. Racial
and gender bias projected by the pictures under study was also underlined. Also, it was
established that the pictures in question, swayed the EU’s attitude towards Zimbabwe as
evidenced by EU’s sanctions on Zimbabwe, and travel and investment warnings. However, the
EU’s interest, diaspora lobby, NGO and civic society reports were largely cited as major
shapers of the EU-Zimbabwe relations matrix. Moreover, this chapter also revealed some
pitfalls related to pictures such as; overestimation of their power, proneness to manipulation
(e.g. “photo-shopping”), subjectivity (e.g. varying interpretations) and selectivity which
distorts their meaning. The next section discusses the pictures under study in light of
Zimbabwe’s national image and economic trajectory.
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Chapter 7: Pictures, Zimbabwe’s National Image and Economic Trajectory
A country’s image or brand “impacts virtually every aspect of its international engagement,
and thus plays a critical role in its economic, social, political and cultural progress,” Anholt
(2005).
7 Introduction
The previous chapter explored how respondents interpreted the iconic pictures selected for this
study. As such, the chapter discussed the respondents’ feelings, thoughts, memories, remarks,
perceptions and descriptions in light of the pictures in question. This chapter focuses on the
respondents’ views about the pictures under study vis-à-vis the national image of Zimbabwe.
In addition to that, the chapter also focuses on the respondents’ perspectives about the pictorial
images in question in light of the economic trajectory. This chapter seeks to tackle the second
and third research questions of this study. The second research question deals with respondents’
views about the pictures under study vis-à-vis the national image of Zimbabwe whereas the
third research question is premised on the respondents’ remarks about the pictures in question
in the context of Zimbabwe’s economy. In terms of theoretical insights, the chapter utilises
image science/Bildwissenschaft, iconology, theory of framing and the concept of national
images. This chapter is divided into two parts. The first part deals with pictures and the national
image of Zimbabwe whereas the second part deals with the pictures in question and
Zimbabwe’s economy. Accordingly, the chapter begins by discussing the definition of a
national image and its significance. This is followed by a discussion on the respondents’ views
about the same pictures vis-à-vis the national image of Zimbabwe. The second and last segment
of the chapter delves on the respondents’ views about the afore-mentioned pictures in light of
the country’s economic dynamics.
7.1
What is a National Image?
Kunczik (2013:13) traces national images from the term “image,” which became popular in the
1950s when it was popularly used to describe the aura of a person in public life, a party, a
product, a nation, a people, and so forth. Accordingly, Kunczik (2013:14) defines a national
image as “the cognitive representation that a person holds of a given country, what a person
believes to be true about a nation and its people.” Also, Kunczik’s definition dovetails with
Boulding’s (1961:391) postulation which treats a national image as “the total cognitive,
affective and evaluative structure of the behaviour unit, or its internal view of itself and its
universe.” Therefore, the inclusion of the word “cognitive” in the above definitions indicates
that national images are associated with perceptions, judgements and contemplations about
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given countries. Moreover, a more simplified definition of a national image by Kunczik
(1990:44) in Okigbo (2007:108) views an image of a nation as constituting “the totality of
attributes that a person recognises (or imagines) when he contemplates that nation." In short, a
national image is what people think and believe about a nation. National images are therefore
intangible entities and as this discussion will shortly reveal, their forms differ from individual
to individuals depending on each individual’s thoughts, beliefs and contemplations about a
certain country.
It is also important to differentiate a national and national identity. Kunczik (2013:13) alerts us
to the perspective that national identity is defined as what is believed by the (majority of the)
people about their own nation and is intimately intertwined with people’s values, customs, and
norms. Therefore, one could say that national identity is what people think, feel and believe
about themselves whereas a national image is what other people think about a certain nation.
Therefore, national identity tends to be inward looking compared to the concept of national
images.
Turning back to national images, Boulding (1961:392) makes an observation that national
images are formed mostly in childhood, mostly in the family group and public instruction and
media propaganda merely reinforce images derived from family culture, hence, imposed
images are fragile by comparison with those which are deeply internalised and transmitted
through family and other intimate sources. This chapter is mostly interested in “imposed”
national image of Zimbabwe cultivated in the minds of the respondents through the pictures
under study. The pictures depicting Zimbabwe’s Crisis fall under Boulding’s (1961:392)
“public instruction and propaganda” as they are extracted from international media stations.
However, this study does not overlook images that are formed outside “public instruction and
propaganda.”
It is also important to highlight the nature of national images. Accordingly, a national image
neatly fits in Mitchell’s (2015:6) expression that: “You can’t hang an image.” Therefore, unlike
pictures that are tangible, national images are intangible and mental entities that exist in the
minds of their beholders. A national image is also in sync with another Mitchell’s (1986:10)
description which treats an image as something “imaginary, speculative and metaphorical.” In
his definition of images, Mitchell (1986:10) notes that images include; pictures, statues, optical
illusions, maps, diagrams, dreams, hallucinations, spectacles, projections, poems, patterns,
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memories, and even ideas. In light of the above definition of images, national images seem to
fall under ideas and memories as they are mental entities.
In addition to that, Mitchell’s (1986:10) idea of imagery includes an image family tree which
consists of five families of images: (1) graphic images (pictures, statues and designs); (2)
optical images (mirrors and projections); (3) perceptual images (sense data “species” and
appearance); (4) mental images (dreams, memories, ideas and fantasmata); and (5) verbal
images (metaphors and descriptions). A closer look at each “family” of images will reveal that
national images fall under mental images (dreams, memories, ideas and fantasmata). The
mental nature of images could explain why different individuals could have different images
about the same country. For instance, in relation to this study, the researcher asked the
respondents to comment about the pictures under study in relation to Zimbabwe’s national
image. The responses varied and ranged from violence, lawlessness, poverty, racism,
dictatorship etc. The varied responses also revealed how subjective, fluid, abstract, and multi-
dimensional national images are.
7.1.1 Perceived National Images versus Projected Media Images of Nations
Li and Chitty (2009) classify national images into two distinct camps: (1) perceived images of
other nations and; (2) projected media images of other nations. Accordingly, Li and Chitty
(2009:1) posit that: “Perceived images of nations can be identified as the pictures of other
nations in the minds of people from the perspective of social psychology. Such an image is tied
up with the attributes of the object and those of its beholders.” Therefore, perceived images of
other nations are “preconceived” and “premeditated” beliefs, thoughts, contemplations and
perceptions people hold in relation to other nations. Moreover, Li and Chitty (2009:2) also
argue that stereotypes are intimately related to perceived images of other nations. In addition
to that, Kuncizik (2013:14) concurs by postulating that “images of nations, at least partly, can
be understood as hardened prejudices...that have mostly grown through long historical
processes.” Therefore, stereotypes and prejudices are closely linked with perceived images of
other nations.
In addition to that, Alexander and Levin in Li and Chitty (2009:2) assert that the images
(especially perceived images) or stereotypes that a nation has of another depend on three
structural features of interstate relations: goal compatibility, relative power/capability, and
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relative cultural status, or sophistication. Therefore, the assessments towards these structural
relations will determine the kind of images that are classified as ally, enemy, barbarian,
imperialist, and dependent (colonial) images, and subsequently can influence compatible
international behaviours as shown in the following table;
Table 3: Status, Image and Possible Action
Relationship Pattern of other Nation
Image
of
other
Nation
Potential Action
Goal Compatibility
Status Equal
Power Equal
Ally
Cooperation
Goal Incompatibility
Status Equal
Power Equal
Enemy
Attack or Conflict
Goal Incompatibility
Status Lower
Power Lower
Dependent
Control
Goal Incompatibility
Status Lower
Power Higher
Barbarian
Potential Invader
Goal Incompatibility
Status Higher
Power Higher
Imperialist
Sabotage
Images of other nations as a function of goal compatibility, relative status, and relative power
(Herrmann & Fischerkeller, as cited in Alexander et al. (2005:30) in Li and Chitty (2009:2)
From the information on the above table, one can say perceived images of other nations play
an important role as they ultimately determine the attitude and action to be taken by one country
on another. However, there is a second type of national images called projected images of other
nations which also operate in conjunction with perceived images of other nations.
Projected media images of other nations are projected through the media and could be classified
under what Boulding (1961:392) calls “imposed national images” through “public instruction
and propaganda.” These kinds of national images are linked to the media, hence, Li and Chitty
(2009:4) observe that experts such as Kunczik (1997); Smith (1973); Galtung & Ruge (1965)
and Tunstall (1970) insist that the media can be the strongest international image former. In the
same wavelength, empirical evidence from scholars such as Saleem (2007); Chyi & McCombs
(2004); Dell’Orto, Dong, Moore & Schneeweis (2004); Brewer, Graf & Willnat (2003);
Nwuneli, Okyoye, Okunna & Ayo (1993) and Manheim & Albritton (1983) reveal that
exposure to media reports can increase audiences’ attention on foreign countries (Li and Chitty,
2009:4).
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Projected media images of other nations relate with this study considering the fact that this
chapter seeks to explore the respondents’ views about pictures from the international media
vis-à-vis the national image of Zimbabwe. The media, in this case through its pictures, could
play a key role in shaping the image of Zimbabwe. In the same vein, Li and Chitty’s (2009:3)
argue that: “Media as the essential channel for people to get information on international issues,
contribute heavily to national image projection” Thus, the media plays an important role on its
audiences in as much as projected media images of any nation are concerned. National image
development is also related to the theory of framing which is discussed at length in the
theoretical and conceptual framework section of this thesis.
It is also important to highlight that Li and Chitty (2009:7) developed a model for analysing
national images within the context of the theory of framing. What is eye catching in their model
is that it consists of public frames (media representation) and private frames (public
perceptions) which are related to projected national images of nations and perceived national
images of nations, respectively. Public frames are important to this study especially when it is
borne in mind that this study focused on iconic images from the international media. However,
private frames should not be overlooked as the two frames often operate in conjunction.
7.1.2 The Significance of National Images
As discussed before, national images are mainly about perceptions, beliefs and contemplations
about a certain country, no matter how subjective these attributes may be. Labelling the
national image of any country as a “country’s brand,” Anholt (2005) stresses on the importance
of the maintenance of a positive national image for developmental purposes and argues that a
country’s image or brand “impacts virtually every aspect of its international engagement, and
thus plays a critical role in its economic, social, political and cultural progress.” Li and Chitty
(2009) underscore the importance of a positive national image for any country and prescribe
strategic public relations as a way of maintaining a favourable national image. Therefore, the
vitality of any nation’s image including Zimbabwe should not be overlooked.
One significant perspective with regard to the vitality of national images is that decisions made
in relation to certain countries are influenced by the national images (real or perceived) of those
particular countries. There is literature which supports this perspective. For instance, Boulding
(1961:391) alerts us to the view that:
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We must recognise that the people whose decisions determine the policies and actions of nations,
do not respond to “objective” facts of the situation, whatever that may mean, but to their “image”
of the situation. It is what we think the world is like, not what it is really like, that determines our
behaviour. If our image of the world is in some sense “wrong,” of course, we may be disappointed
in our expectations and we may therefore revise our image; if this revision is in the direction of
“truth,” there is presumably a long-run tendency for the “image” and the “truth” to coincide.
Whether this is so or not, it is always the image not the truth that immediately determines behaviour.
We act according to the way the world appears to us, not necessarily according to the way it is
In addition to that, Li and Chitty (2009:1) concur with Boulding and argue that: “How a country
is perceived and projected by other countries can result in changes in their mutual relationships
and to their strategic responses.” Moreover, a host of scholars who include Anholt (2005);
Holsti (1962, 1968); White (1965); Rosenberg (1965); Hoffmann (1968); Alexander et al.
(2005); Kunczik (1997) and Boulding (1958) agree that how decision-makers perceive other
countries influences their decision-making in foreign policy formulation and consequently
bilateral relations of states (Li and Chitty, 2009:2). Therefore, national images, whether
perceived rightly or wrongly, have a bearing on any country’s foreign relations and
engagement.
As this discussion will shortly reveal; from the point of view of the respondents, the pictures
under study, together with other factors, tainted Zimbabwe’s national image which ultimately
compromised the country’s relations with the EU and its Western allies. Generally speaking,
other countries that suffer from a negative national image particularly in the eyes of the West
include; Iran, Russia, Syria, Sudan and North Korea, among others. Worryingly, although
countries make decisions and policies based on other countries’ images, in some cases such
images do not depict the real situation on the ground, a view supported by Boulding (1961:391).
Anholt (2005) also shares the same view and notes that: “The brand images of countries,
whether good or bad, are seldom an entirely accurate reflection of the reality of the country. In
the case of developing countries, the most common reason for this is time: the country may
change quite quickly, but its image lags behind by years or decades and sometimes even
centuries.” This perspective seems to hold water. For instance, one respondent to this study
argued that although the situation on the ground in Zimbabwe has improved compared to what
it was in 2008, many people still associate the country with the period 2008, when the country
was at the peak of its political and economic crisis. Thus, national images are not always in
sync with the actual situation on the ground of a given country.
Furthermore, Scott (1965:100) in Li and Chitty (2009:5) observes that an image of a nation
comprises of three layers: cognitive attributes (the perceived characteristics of the nation),
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affective attributes (the liking or disliking of the object), and action attributes (the responses to
the object). The three attributes are intimately interlinked and could influence state perceptions
and relations in a big way. For instance, the table above shown by Li and Chitty (2009:9)
indicates that nations perceived by others as enemies are prone to attack whereas those
perceived as allies enjoy friendly relations and cooperation. This reveals the vitality of national
images in international relations and cooperation.
Importantly, one school of thought views national images as engines for economic growth and
development, hence, Li and Chitty’s (2009:4) claim that: “The nation’s reputation can
politically and economically be an asset or liability.” Correspondingly, Anholt (2005) concurs
by pointing out that without a powerful and positive reputation or “nation-brand,” no country
can consistently compete for consumers, tourists, investors, immigrants and the respect and
attention of other countries and the world’s media. In the same vein, Kunczik (1997) and
Boulding (1958) cited in Li and Chitty (2009:4) postulate that positive reputations help
countries to attain foreign goals, attract overseas investment, tourists and education whereas
images of nations in permanent crisis or showing economic unreliability, can discourage
investment, cause future crises, even military conflicts. As this discussion shall shortly reveal,
since the year 2000, the damaged national image of Zimbabwe (partly due to the pictures under
study) curtailed foreign direct investment and drove away tourists especially from the EU and
the broader Western world. Discussions with the respondents also revealed that the EU
discouraged its citizens from investing and visiting Zimbabwe especially at the zenith of the
country’s crisis (2000 to 2008).
Moreover, another perspective views national images as critical in terms of global power and
influence. Li and Chitty (2009:1) argue that positive national images not only create domestic
political support but also enlarge a country’s international influence which in turn accelerates
integration into global markets, participation in global affairs, and the enhancement of a
country’s status on the world stage. Correspondingly, Leonard in Standing Committee on
Foreign Affairs, Defence and Trade (2007:18) cited in Li and Chitty (2009:4) observes that
national images, in fact, are one part of a state’s soft power and are also public goods that can
serve to generate either a favourable or an unfavourable environment for the public and the
state. To that end, although debatable, respondent seven to the study cited the US as an example
of a country that has managed to brand itself as a democracy that abides by the rule of law,
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hence its dominance in global politics and economic affairs. Therefore, national images are
important in the carving of global influence by nation states.
Also, Anholt (2005) emphasises on the importance of “branding” for the achievement of a
reputable national image and asserts that: “In short, nation branding ensures a faster and surer
return on the investment which countries, their donors and foreign investors are making in their
development.” By the same token, Wang (2008) cited in Li and Chitty (2009:4) observes that
the concept of branding and the pursuit of branding communication strategy have been
introduced in national image management to attract international audiences’ attention and forge
their engagement. Li and Chitty (2009) also concur with Wang (2008) and Anholt (2005) and
observe that since the 20th century, particularly in the Cold War era, governments became
aware of the significance of systematic image construction and globalized communication, has
promoted a surge in national image construction. Thus, the importance of national images in
the context of reputation, global influence and economic growth and development should not
be overlooked. In fact, Anholt (2005) argues that a good national image is “the single most
valuable item any nation possesses” and should be protected, developed and exploited for
meaningful economic growth and development.
Another perspective worth mentioning is that national images can be distorted to achieve
parochial agendas and interests. Accordingly, Boulding (1961:393) laments: “The national
image is basically a lie, or at least a perspective distortion of the truth, which perhaps accounts
for the ease with which it can be perverted to justify monstrous cruelties and wickedness.”
Therefore, national images can be manipulated to suit parochial political, religious, economic
and cultural interests. However, the importance of national images to nation states is worth
underlining.
7.2
Pictures and the National Image of Zimbabwe
This section discusses the respondents’ perspectives about the pictures under study vis-à-vis
the national image of Zimbabwe. Such a discussion is in line which iconology which deals with
how images affect us cognitively, intellectually and emotionally (Mitchell, 2013). The word
“cognitive” is associated with perception and therefore closely linked to national images which
are partly shaped by perception as indicated in the previous section of this chapter. This section
is also in harmony with the dictums of image science which emphasises on the “scientific” and
systematic study of images. As it shall be shortly revealed, the pictures under study created an
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array of perceptions or images in relation to Zimbabwe’s national image. Such an array of
perceptions or images on a single nation dovetails with Boulding’s (1961:391) observation
that: “A nation is some complex of the images of the persons who contemplate it, as there are
many different persons, so there are many different images.” The images that were associated
with the pictures under study by the respondents range from violence, hostility, lawlessness,
poverty, racism, suffering to inflation, among others and are discussed in the section below.
7.2.1 The Image of Violence and Hostility
An important issue which protruded during discussions with respondents is that the pictures
under study projected a violent and hostile national image about Zimbabwe. Boulding
(1961:393) warns against a violent national image and alerts us to the view that hostility or
friendliness is an important dimension of a national image. Respondent two argued that: “These
images of violence reinforce the perception that Zimbabwe is a country with a government that
thrives on violence. The national image created is that of violence and hostility. These images
are not doing any good to the national image of Zimbabwe and the way the country is perceived
even by the European Union.” Correspondingly, respondent four noted that the pictures in
question “presented a negative picture about the country: a picture of an ageing despot (former
President Robert Mugabe) and war veterans who were energetic, intolerant, unrestrained and
violent. The image was of a country not at peace with itself.” Thus, from the above responses,
a link could be established between the pictures under study and violence and hostility as
attributes of Zimbabwe’s national image. This is a cause for concern considering that Anholt
(2005) encourages nations to portray an image of “stable and responsible governance” like
Sweden in order to promote economic growth and development through tourism, FDI and
attracting foreign labour.
Respondent 15 (2017) also concurred with the viewpoints of the two respondents cited above
as he pointed out that: “Since 2000, Zimbabwe gained notoriety for its violence related to the
land reform programme, electoral and other political processes. Such violence was pictorially
depicted in the media. The images of Terry Ford’s dead body, Morgan Tsvangirai, and
Lovemore Madhuku after their brutal attack by state security agents paints a picture of violence
about Zimbabwe.” In the same vein, respondent 16 (2017) argued that: “The coverage of
Zimbabwe mainly by both the local media and some international media stations tarnished the
image of Zimbabwe in a very big way. The horrendous images from the same media houses
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portrayed Zimbabwe as a horror state, a state that is inhumane and does not take care of its own
citizens, a violent state that is motivated by power rather than humanity.” What is important is
that such an image of violence was projected through the media in form of pictures selected for
this study. This is in line with public frames (media representation) and projected images of
nations associated with the theory of framing. All the respondents to this study were of the
view that the pictures under study, mirrored an image of violence about Zimbabwe.
The matter of Zimbabwe being a violent state under Mugabe is not only a matter of perception
(national image) but also reality. State violence in Zimbabwe is well documented by scholars
such as Makumbe (2009; 2006); Ndlela (2005); Roach (2012); Badza (2009); Bratton and
Masunungure (2011); Mandikwaza (2016); and Gatsheni (2004), among many other others.
However, the danger with the perception of Zimbabwe by EU officials as a hostile or violent
nation is that the country might be perceived (national image) as a “barbarian” or “enemy”
which exposes it to “invasion” and “attack/conflict” respectively as shown in the above table
in the previous section (see Li and Chitty, 2009:2). An example that could back this school of
thought is when the then British Prime Minister, Tony Blair, asked for South Africa’s help to
invade Zimbabwe during the violent land reform programme in 2000 (The Telegraph, 2013,
November 27). The EU also imposed “smart sanctions” on Zimbabwe in 2002, a decision
which seem to have been based on both perception and reality. Therefore, an image of violence,
whether real or perceived, could expose a country to foreign invasion and hostility. Another
image associated with the pictures in question, which also protruded during the interviews is
the image of lawlessness which is also linked with the image of a failed state.
7.2.2 The Image of Lawlessness and a Failed State
Several respondents cited lawlessness and a failed state as another image of Zimbabwe that is
projected through the pictures under study. For instance, respondent three (2015) noted that the
pictures in question projected Zimbabwe as a country characterised by “violence and
lawlessness and disrespect for human rights.” Respondent three’s (2015) viewpoint is in line
with respondent four’s (2015) view as he noted that: “As the popular saying that a picture is
worth a thousand words, these pictures portrayed Zimbabwe as a violent and lawless country
that does not respect property rights.” One could concur with both respondents as the pictures
under study depict political violence and the forceful seizure of white owned commercial
farms. Some of the pictures depict death like the picture of Terry Ford after his assassination
by suspected state security agents at his farm in March 2002.
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Respondent five (2015) also echoed the sentiments that are in line with that of the afore-
mentioned respondents and noted that the images in question “portrayed Zimbabwe as a violent
state characterised by lawlessness and lack of property rights” and that “the country must return
to the rule of law to regain its image and place in the international system.” Therefore, from
the standpoint of the above-mentioned respondents, the pictures relating to the forceful seizure
of commercial farms and political violence portrays Zimbabwe’s national image as that of a
country characterised by lawlessness, and devoid of property rights, rule of law and
constitutionalism. In line with the above-mentioned respondents, respondent six (2015) noted
that “the pictures portrayed Zimbabwe as a lawless state, a state on the brink of collapse.” A
state on the brink of collapse is close to be a failed state. All in all, 20 respondents observed
that the pictures under study portrayed Zimbabwe as a lawlessness state.
Closely related to the issue of lawlessness and the image of Zimbabwe is the issue of a failed
state. Some respondents to this study argued that the pictures in question projected Zimbabwe
as a failed state considering the levels of violence and lawlessness depicted by the same
pictures. For instance, respondent three (2015) was of the opinion that the pictures under study
“damaged the image of the country in a very big way and that it will take years for Zimbabwe
to clean up its extremely negative image as the country was portrayed as a failed state.” In
relation to failed states, Rotberg (2003:1) notes that “nation-states fail because they are
convulsed by internal violence and can no longer deliver positive political goods to their
inhabitants. Their governments lose legitimacy, and the very nature of the particular nation-
state itself becomes illegitimate.” Thus, failed states are those nations which are overwhelmed
by violence and do not have the capacity to provide public services to their citizens. In most
cases like in the Somali scenario, the central government disintegrates and the whole country
is plunged into the abyss of chaos.
Considering the levels of political violence and chaos during the land reform programme and
the state’s failure to provide security and other essential public goods for most of its citizens,
it can be said that between 2000 and 2008, Zimbabwe was on the brink of earning the tag of a
failed state. However, one can say that Zimbabwe became a weak state rather than a failed state
considering that it did not descend into a civil war and that unlike in Somalia, the central
government in Zimbabwe managed to keep the state intact despite severe shortcomings in terms
of service delivery.
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However, some respondents maintained that the pictures under study projected a failed or
pariah state. Respondent four (2015) noted that the pictures represented a pariah or a failed
state and that the image that was projected by these pictures and videos was very negative and
authorities should do their best to try to clean up the image. Respondent eight (2016) concurred
by noting that: “The image of the country took a significant battering because of those images.
Zimbabwe was seen as a failed and pariah state with a dictator who is relentless; a murderer of
some sort, with no respect for human rights and that perception still exists and no amount of
deodorant can extinguish it. It is still there.” Thus, through the images under study, some
respondents to this study viewed or perceived Zimbabwe as a failed state. This is a cause for
concern as no investor will invest in a country perceived as a failed state. Such a perception is
also harmful to tourism especially from Europe where the respondents come from. Overall, 10
respondents mentioned that the pictures in question portrayed the country as a failed state.
7.2.3 The Image of Racism
In addition to an image of lawlessness and a failed state, some respondents also noted that the
pictures in question especially those depicting the violent land reform, smack of racism and
portrayed Zimbabwe as a racist country. In the same vein, referring to the images of brutalised
white commercial farmers in Zimbabwe, the Archbishop of York, Dr John Sentamu bemoaned
the racist nation of Zimbabwe and labelled former President of Zimbabwe, Robert Mugabe "a
worst kind of racist dictator" (BBC World News, 2007, September 16). Reflecting on the
pictures under study, some respondents to this study were also of the same view as mentioned
above as they noted that the afore-mentioned pictures represent an image of a racially intolerant
state.
Respondent two (2015) to the study noted that the fact that the pictures in question depict state
sanctioned violence during the land reform programme perpetrated mainly against white
Zimbabweans is a testimony of a racist state during that time. Respondent 13 (2016) noted that
although some black farm workers were killed during the land reform program, the stories and
images that were dominant on the international media were that of white commercial farmers
and this painted Zimbabwe as a racist and intolerant country. The same respondent cited the
picture on CNN and BBC of Terry Ford after his brutal assassination by suspected state security
agents in March 2002, as a testimony of the “crudely racist nation state” that Zimbabwe had
become. Moreover, respondent 15 (2017) also noted that the iconic image of a woman standing
with his small children at the gate of her farm amid the process of the seizure of her farm by
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black Zimbabweans also painted a racist and gloomy national image about Zimbabwe. Fifteen
respondents mentioned the image of racism projected by the iconic pictures under study.
7.2.4 The Image of Economic Meltdown and Inflation
From the perspective of the respondents, another image that protrudes from the pictures in
question is that of economic meltdown and inflation. By the same token, respondent 22 (2017)
noted that: “Images from the BBC, CNN and Aljazeera, among other TV stations showed
Zimbabweans carrying stakes of valueless notes. Consequently, there is a strong perception of
Zimbabwe as a hyperinflationary country even though inflation was contained in 2009. These
images harmed the economic image of Zimbabwe not only from the EU’s perspective but from
the entire international community.” Therefore, the iconic pictures relating to economic
collapse and inflation in Zimbabwe led to the perception of the country as a country under
inflationary and economic distress. In emphasising the importance of currencies to national
images of nations, Kunczik (2013:15) talks about what he refers to as the “image of currency”
related to strengths and weaknesses of currencies of nations. However, apart from pictures of
economic distress and inflation, economic reports from local and international NGOs must also
not be overlooked as they also shaped the economic outlook of Zimbabwe in some respects.
Respondent 11 (2016) cited the image of a child carrying stakes of notes around 2007 as an
example of how a picture can cast a shadow of inflation and economic distress on the national
image of Zimbabwe. In addition to that, respondent 13 (2016) noted that the picture of a
hundred trillion dollar note that was repeatedly shown on international media stations such the
BBC, CNN, Aljazeera and France 24 painted Zimbabwe not only as a country dogged by
inflation but also as a country under acute economic distress.
Respondent one (2015) likened the image (perceived and actual) of Zimbabwe to that of the
Weimer Republic where inflation was also astronomical. The largest note in terms of value
during the Weimer Republic was 50 billion Deutsche Marks. Thus, as noted by some
respondents to this study, although inflation is no longer rampant in Zimbabwe, the pictures
under study created a strong perception of Zimbabwe as a hyperinflationary country. Such a
perception will be difficult to reverse and there is need for the government of Zimbabwe to
double its efforts in sprucing up the country’s image. Also, pictures showing empty shelves in
shops and people queuing for fuel and other basic commodities also painted an image of a
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country in economic doldrums according to respondent 14 (2017) of this study. Overall, from
the views of the afore-mentioned respondents, it is evident that the pictures under study
somehow shaped the economic image of Zimbabwe. All respondents cited the image of
economic collapse in relation to the pictures under study. The following diagram is an
illustration of the above discussion and shows several images projected by the pictures under
study in as much as the national image of Zimbabwe is concerned.
Figure 3: Pictures as Mirrors of Zimbabwe’s National Image
The above diagram represents the perspectives of the respondents on the pictures under study
in light of Zimbabwe’s national image. From the diagram, it can be seen that, the pictures in
question act as a mirror which projects a number of images in the context of Zimbabwe’s
national image trajectory. Through the iconic pictures depicting Zimbabwe’s Crisis, images of
violence, hostility, lawlessness, failed state, racism, economic decline and inflation are
projected. What is important to highlight is that the national image of Zimbabwe, just like of
any other nation, is multidimensional and can exist in several facets in the mind of a single
individual. However, besides the pictures under study, there were other factors that were cited
by the respondents which also impacted on the national image of Zimbabwe. It is also important
Image of Economic Decline and Inflation
Pictures
depicting
Zimbabwe’s
Crisis
Image of Violence and
Hostility
Image of
Racism
Image of Lawlessness and Failed State
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to highlight that the respondents underlined the point that the pictures under study had a very
negative impact on the national image of Zimbabwe.
7.3
Other Factors that impacted on Zimbabwe’s National Image
Apart from the pictures under study as having impacted negatively on the national image of
Zimbabwe, a number of other factors raised by the respondents that were also influential in
shaping the country’s national image should not be overlooked. These factors range from
Mugabe’s dominance and dictatorial tendencies, government officials’ inflammatory rhetoric
and hate speech, Zimbabwe’s history of violence, other forms of media and oral tradition,
among others. It is important to note that these factors are more related to the private frames
and perceived images of nations in the context of the theory of framing.
7.3.1 Mugabe’s Dominance and Dictatorial Tendencies
Several respondents to this study were of the opinion that besides the pictures under study,
former President of Zimbabwe, Robert Mugabe, who ruled the country in an authoritarian style
for 37 years, had an extremely negative bearing on the national image of the country. Due to
his conflation of his person, state and ruling party, Mugabe had arguably become symbolic
synonymous to Zimbabwe. Gatsheni (2009:1139) propounds what he terms “Mugabeism”
which he elucidates as a “summation of a constellation of political controversies, political
behaviour, political ideas, utterances, rhetoric and actions that have crystallised around
Mugabe’s political life.” Accordingly, Gatsheni (2009:1139) adds that a neo-liberal perspective
views Mugabeism as a form of racial chauvinism and authoritarianism marked by disdain for
human rights and democracy whereas a Pan-African perspective views Mugabeism as a
redemptive ideology opposed to the neo-colonialism project. Therefore, in relation to Mugabe
(or Mugabeism) some of the respondents to this study shared the neo-liberal perspective that
Robert Mugabe was a brutal dictator who thrived on political violence, electoral fraud and
inflammatory rhetoric and his actions consequently tainted the national image of Zimbabwe in
a significant way.
Respondent eight (2016) acknowledged the role that was played by Robert Mugabe in shaping
the national image of Zimbabwe and noted that Zimbabwe was seen as a failed state with a
dictator who is relentless; a murderer of some sort, with no respect for human rights and that
the perception still exists, and no amount of deodorant can extinguish that perception. In
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addition to that, respondent 15 also cited Mugabe’s violent rhetoric especially since 2000 as
having damaged the national image of Zimbabwe in a significant way. To buttress this, the
same respondent cited Mugabe’s hate speech cited in Makumbe (2009) when he said that those
who try to cause disunity among his people must watch out because death will befall them. The
respondent argued that such a statement portrayed Zimbabwe as an intolerant and violent
country especially considering that the statement was coming from the “CEO’’ of the country.
Also, respondent 14 (2017) also said Mugabe’s rhetoric which also bordered on racism,
portrayed Zimbabwe as a racist state. The issue of racism is raised by Gatsheni (2009:1151)
who notes that when the land reform programme started in Zimbabwe, Mugabe repeatedly
referred to Zimbabweans of European ancestry as “amabhunu/Boers’’ as opposed to citizens
of Zimbabwe. “Amabhunu/Boers’’ is a derogatory term that was used to describe white settlers
and farmers by Africans during the colonial period. It is therefore not surprising that the
Archbishop of York, Dr John Sentamu described Robert Mugabe as a worst kind of racist
dictator (BBC World News, 2007, September 16). Thus, from the perspective of some
respondents to this study, it can be said that Mugabe’s controversial rhetoric which bordered
on violence and racism, cast a very negative shadow on the national image of Zimbabwe.
In addition to that, respondent 13 (2016) argued that Robert Mugabe had absolute control over
the state and the ruling party (ZANU PF) and he presided over political patronage, economic
decay, political violence and the chaotic land reform programme and therefore it would be
amiss to exonerate him from the role he played in the deterioration of Zimbabwe’s national
image. The same respondent noted that when Mugabe described himself as the “Hitler of the
time,” he projected an image of violence, intolerance and racism that was associated with Adolf
Hitler during the Nazi era. Mugabe’s likening himself to Hitler is on public record: “I am still
the Hitler of the time…that is what we stand for” (Independent, 2014, February 21; BBC, 2008,
December 12; CNN, 2001, June 5; Hentoff, 2012). Some of Mugabe’s rhetoric like the one
where he describes himself as Hitler, fits under verbal images.
Therefore, it is important to underline that, besides the pictures under study, Robert Mugabe’s
actions and rhetoric also known as “Mugabeism” also affected the national image of Zimbabwe
especially from the perspective of the outside world. Ten respondents to this study argued that
Mugabe, as a controversial and authoritarian ruler, cast a very negative shadow on the national
image of Zimbabwe. Accordingly, one can say that, due to “Mugabeism,” Zimbabwe was
perceived as an undemocratic, racist and violent nation.
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7.3.2 Inflammatory Rhetoric and Hate Speech
The issue of inflammatory language and hate speech cannot be solely associated with Mugabe
alone. Some senior government officials and members of the security forces were also
implicated. Such kind of rhetoric was also cited by some respondents as having caused damage
on Zimbabwe’s national image. The respondents argued that such rhetoric portrayed Zimbabwe
as a violent state. As previously mentioned, some of the rhetoric in question is in sync with
verbal images.
Respondents 10 (2016), 13 (2016) and 14 (2017) cited the leadership of the security forces’
frightening rhetoric as also damaging to the national image of Zimbabwe. The afore-mentioned
respondents cited a speech by the Army Chief of Staff Major-General Martin Chedondo during
the 2008 elections as an example of rhetoric that was toxic to the national image of Zimbabwe.
In 2008, Martin Chedondo, intimidated soldiers by saying: “Soldiers are not apolitical. Only
mercenaries are apolitical. We have signed and agreed to fight and protect the ruling party’s
principles of defending the revolution. If you have other thoughts, then you should remove that
uniform. This is a choice with no choice. It’s either you vote for war or peace.” Respondent 13
(2016) noted that Chedondo’s statement painted a gloomy picture about Zimbabwe and
portrayed the country as a violent state. On the other hand, respondent 10 (2016) observed that
such “toxic” rhetoric which tainted Zimbabwe’s national image began to emerge as early as in
the 2000s as evidenced by Police Commissioner Augustine Chihuri’s example when he said
that the security forces were not going to accept anyone without liberation war credentials to
be the president of Zimbabwe.
To support what the above respondents highlighted, one can highlight some of the rhetoric by
senior government officials that bordered on violence and intimidation. For instance, during
the 2008 elections, the late Vice-President Joseph Msika, cited by The Manica Post (2008, June
20) in Zinyama (2009:141) remarked:
Tsvangirai is a traitor. I came here to warn you about the machinations of the Rhodesians and
their imperialist allies who we dislodged through the protracted armed struggle, but now they
intend to come back using one of our fellow Zimbabweans Tsvangirai, as their running dog-
chimbwasungata. If you vote for Tsvangirai on June 27, you are voting for the former
Rhodesians and thus you are voting for war.
Morgan Tsvangirai being verbally attacked above is the late and former President of the
opposition MDC. Closely related to the late Joseph Musika’s remarks is a statement that was
made during the same time by Samuel Mbengegwi, former Finance Minister who said that:
“This is up to you; if you want peace, you should vote for us. If you vote for the MDC, we will
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go to war” (The Financial Gazette, 2008, June 19 cited in Zinyama, 2012:141). One can say
that such statements by senior government officials could have a negative bearing to the
national image of the country; hence, seven respondents were of the view that not only the
pictures under but also such inflammatory language also damaged the national image of the
country. It is also worth mentioning that such inflammatory rhetoric was also harmful to the
country’s FDI prospects and to the tourism sector. Also, Zimbabwe’s history of political
violence seems to be still casting a dark shadow on the country’s image.
7.3.3 Zimbabwe’s History of Violence
The history of nations plays an important role in shaping their national images and this view is
shared by some scholars. For instance, Boulding (1961:391) puts emphasis on the role played
by history in the carving of nations’ images. By the same token, Li and Chitty (2009:5) alerts
us to the view that: “Images of other nations are affected by history as well. An individual’s
image of an object at the present is correlated to his/her views of its past and future.” In the
same wavelength, Kunczik (1997:3) in Li and Chitty (2009:5) postulates: “Many prejudices
about nations are carried forward through generations, so that historical events of long ago
remain decisive in a nation’s image.” In the same vein, respondent 17 cited how Germany is
still making efforts to reconstruct its image that was damaged by the Nazis during the Second
World War. As shall shortly be revealed, some respondents were of the view that the national
image of Zimbabwe is also deeply entrenched in the country’s history of political violence.
Therefore, the nexus between Zimbabwe’s violent political history and its national image
should not be overlooked.
Before reflecting on the views of the respondents on the relationship between the country’s
violent past and its national image, it is important to briefly summarise the country’s dark past
associated with politically motivated violence. In his presentation at SAPES Trust, Malunga
(2017) observes that Zimbabwe’s history of violence predates the colonial times and stretches
up to the country’s post-independence era. To concur, Beach (2009) acknowledges the violence
that was perpetrated by the Ndebele Kingdom on the Shona communities at around 1873 but
also cautions that oral tradition and historians oftentimes exaggerate the events of that time.
The violence that was perpetrated on the blacks by the colonial government in Zimbabwe
before the country’s independence in 1980 is well documented by Banana (1989). Zimbabwe’s
liberation struggle (1964-1979) was also a bloody war. After independence, in the pretext of
fighting “dissidents,” the government of Robert Mugabe implemented the Gukurahundi policy
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which left more 20 000 civilians dead in the Matebeleland and Midlands provinces of
Zimbabwe (Catholic Commission for Justice and Peace, 1997). The Gukurahundi massacres
started in 1982 and ended with the signing of the so-called Unity Accord between ZANLA and
PF ZAPU to form ZANU PF in 1987.
In addition to that, Moyo (1992) cites the state sponsored violence that was associated with
1990 elections in Zimbabwe whereas Makumbe and Compagnon (2000) chronicle the massive
violence that was perpetrated by the ruling party’s (ZANU PF) supporters and state security
agents during the 1995 general elections in Zimbabwe. The violence of the 2000, 2002, 2005
and 2008 elections is well documented by scholars such as Makumbe (2002; 2009);
Masunungure (2008) and Linington (2008), among others. The afore-mentioned authors also
mention the violent land reform programme which was initiated in 2000 by the ruling party,
ZANU PF which also left scores of white commercial farmers dead. Some blacks who worked
at the farms were never spared from such brutality during the land reform programme. In short,
the pre-colonial, colonial and post-colonial history of Zimbabwe is marred with political
violence.
It is against the above-described history of violence of Zimbabwe that some respondents to this
study cited as having a significant impact on the national image of Zimbabwe. For instance,
respondent 11 (2016) noted that: “The history of political violence is deeply rooted in the
Zimbabwe’s past and the impact of such history on the nation state of Zimbabwe must not be
overlooked. When I was growing up, I used to watch on television how the British colonial
government used to brutalise Africans in the then Southern Rhodesia. In the post-independence
era, I watched on the news the Gukurahundi atrocities, violent land reform program and
massive electoral violence.” The same respondent added that: “The images of political violence
that we saw in recent years were merely reinforcing the perception of Zimbabwe as violent
country. We have known this since the colonial times. Zimbabwe’s national image as a violent
country is a historic image with roots deeply rooted in the past.” Therefore, the violent history
of the country should not be overlooked as its shadow remains visible on its current national
image.
Furthermore, respondent 12 (2016) also noted that the history of a nation is very critical in
terms of shaping its national image. The same respondent added that countries like Germany
still suffer from the image of racism which can be traced back to Hitler’s Nazi era. By the same
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token, the respondent argued that Zimbabwe has a history of violence which can be linked to
the colonial government, the brutal war of independence as well as post-independence
atrocities like the Gukurahundi genocide, the land reform programme and massive electoral
violence which left hundreds dead especially in 2008. The respondent argued that such history
of violence is key in shaping the national image of the country. Therefore, the pictures under
study are not the only factor that contributed to the tarnishing of the national image of
Zimbabwe. However, it should also be stressed out that such history of political violence is
also embedded in images taken over the years. Images are therefore important in terms of the
shaping of political history.
Correspondingly, respondent 15 (2017) also cited the history of Zimbabwe as having a bearing
in the way the country is perceived especially by the outside world. The respondent also argued
that the pictures under study and others from the past have a large bearing on the image of
Zimbabwe in relation to political violence. Accordingly, the respondent also said that you
cannot divorce pictures of political violence in Zimbabwe from the country’s history and
national image. This is in line with Mitchell’s (2012) lecture at the Haus der Kunst in which
he postulated that “an image has a past, present and the future; an image that it comes from,
that it is in the present and that it produces or reproduces in the future.” Zimbabwe’s image of
violence (both physical and metaphorical) from the past still has an impact in the present and
is likely to continue shaping the way the country is perceived in the future.
In the same vein, respondents 16 (2017), 19 (2017) and 20 (2017) also echoed the same
sentiments as the above-mentioned respondents. The three respondents noted that Zimbabwe’s
history of violence should not be overlooked in the shaping of the country’s national image.
They also noted that the pictures under study are part and parcel of the country’s history of
political violence. The same respondents also stated that oral tradition and different forms of
media play a critical role in the shaping of the country’s image and therefore should not be
underestimated.
7.3.4 Oral Tradition
Some respondents also argued that apart the from the pictures under study, oral tradition also
plays an important role in the shaping of any country’s image and Zimbabwe’s national image
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is therefore not an exception.15 To that end, it was argued that conversations in the context of
families and friends have a strong bearing on Zimbabwe’s national image. This is in line with
Boulding’s (9161:391) viewpoint that:
In the formation of the national images, it must be emphasised that impressions of nationality
are formed mostly in childhood and usually in the family group. It would quite be fallacious to
think of the images as having been cleverly imposed on the masses by the powerful...The image
is essentially a mass image or folk image transmitted through the family and the intimate face
to face group...Public instruction and propaganda merely reinforce images derived from family
culture.
By the same token, respondent 10 (2016) pointed out that the role played by oral tradition in
shaping the country’s image should not be overlooked. However, the same respondent was
quick to point out that television (including the pictures under study) internet, newspapers,
radios and social media also influence the conversations that people make about Zimbabwe
which consequently shapes the national image of the country. When it comes to the shaping of
the national image of any country including Zimbabwe, oral tradition and other forms of media
present a “hen and egg” situation in terms of which comes first, and which influences the other.
However, one could say that the impact of the media on oral tradition seem to be significant
compared to the other way round. Most people including some of the respondents to this study
have never been to Zimbabwe but know about the country’s political and economic history and
situation through various forms of media especially the television.
Respondent 16 (2017) said that stories about Zimbabwe especially from Zimbabweans also
shape the country’s image in a big way. The same respondent mentioned that he met some
commercial farmers who lost their farms during the land reform programme and they told him
about the horrific experiences which they had encountered during that period. In the same vein,
the same respondent noted that the conversation in question changed his perception about
Zimbabwe as a country as some of the farmers had vividly described the racism and atrocities
including murder that were perpetrated by state security agents and ruling party supporters
during the land reform programme. To that end, respondent 16 (2017) underlined the
importance of oral tradition in the context of the shaping of the national image of Zimbabwe.
Respondent 20 (2017) concurred with respondent 16 (2017) and stated that apart from the
media, his perspective about Zimbabwe has mostly been shaped by Zimbabwean students and
activists whom he had met at conferences and workshops around the world. The respondent
also cited Zimbabweans in the diaspora as critical players in as much as oral tradition and the
15 Oral tradition is the process whereby information and knowledge from the past is passed from one generation
to the next through the word of mouth.
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subsequent shaping of the national image of the country are concerned. This is in line with
Anholt’s (2005) argument that each ordinary citizen – not just diplomats, media stars and
politicians – could play an important role in shaping his/her country’s national
brand/image. Six respondents to the study cited the importance of oral tradition in the shaping
of the national image of Zimbabwe.
7.3.5 Other forms of Media
Apart from the television and its images, other forms of media also play an important role in
shaping the perception people have about Zimbabwe. In this digital age, the internet plays an
important role in terms of promoting the use of social media platforms such as Facebook,
YouTube, Twitter, WhatsApp, and Instagram, among a host of social media platforms. Apart
from social media platforms, respondents also cited the radio and newspapers as important
players in terms of the shaping of Zimbabwe’s national image.
Accordingly, respondent 13 (2016) noted that social media platforms and other media channels
such as the radio and newspapers play an important role in terms of shaping the national image
of Zimbabwe. However, the respondent noted that apart from the radio and newspapers; social
media platforms have the capacity to project pictures even those under study, hence the
importance of these pictures as they have the ability to cut across different forms of media.
Respondents six (2015) and seven (2016) also observed that the national image of Zimbabwe
has been shaped by different forms of media over time. Therefore, the role played by various
forms of media besides the television (and its pictures) should not be undermined.
Respondent 18 (2017) also underlined the importance of social media platforms like YouTube
and Facebook in relation to the hosting of international news channels. Accordingly, the same
respondent observed that the BBC, Aljazeera English, France 24 English and CNN stream live
news from Facebook, Twitter and YouTube and therefore social media platforms play some
role in the shaping of Zimbabwe’s national image to that regard. Eight respondents to the study
cited other forms of media mentioned in this section as having contributed to the shaping of
the national image of Zimbabwe.
7.4
Pictures and Zimbabwe’s Economic Trajectory
The third research question of this study is premised on the respondent’s remarks about the
pictures under study vis-à-vis the economy of Zimbabwe. Therefore, this section deals with the
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respondents’ comments with regard to the nexus between the pictures under study and the
economy of Zimbabwe. An examination of the responses from the respondents in relation to
the above subject reveals that the pictures under study affected two economic sectors in
Zimbabwe: (1) foreign direct investment, and; (2) tourism. Therefore, the following discussion
is about the pictures selected for this study in light of the above-mentioned two economic
sectors, from the point of view of the respondents.
7.4.1 Foreign Direct Investment
The OECD (2008:14) places great emphasis on the vitality of foreign direct investment (FDI)
as a key driver of international economic integration, important vehicle for local enterprise
development, as well as in terms of empowering the recipient (host) and the foreign (investing)
economy. Apart from being Zimbabwe’s largest trading partner, the EU through its member
states have traditionally played a significant role in terms of FDI in Zimbabwe. However, the
situation took a turn in the year 2000 with the inception of the chaotic (and sometimes violent)
land reform programme, political violence and mismanagement of the economy by the ZANU
PF government led by former President of Zimbabwe, Robert Mugabe.
Empirical evidence backs the fact that FDI (including from EU countries) has been declining
in Zimbabwe since 2000. For instance, The Financial Gazette (2016, October 11) reports that,
FDI largely from the EU dropped 23 percent to US$421 million in 2015 and was expected to
continue dropping according to the Reserve Bank of Zimbabwe. The same paper noted that
FDI inflows had been dwindling since the year 2000. Therefore, the fundamental question is:
did the iconic pictures depicting Zimbabwe’s Crisis play a role in the FDI trajectory into
Zimbabwe? Taking a leaf from the perspectives of the respondents, the discussion below seeks
to tackle this question.
Respondent one (2015) argued that apart from tarnishing the national image of Zimbabwe, the
pictures in question repelled FDI: “Those pictures depicting violence on the farms reflected a
country that does not respect property rights and that was unfortunate because investors like
investing in countries where they know that their capital and assets are secure. Capital
gravitates towards where there is stability.” Accordingly, the same responded added that: “The
violence that was pictorially shown on the media during the land reform programme was an
assault on foreign Direct Investment (FDI). Can you imagine what the investors thought when
they saw the dead body of Terry Ford or the brutalised faces of opposition leaders including
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Morgan Tsvangirai?” By the same token, respondent one’s (2015) perspective was shared by
responded two (2015) who pointed out that:
The pictures portray Zimbabwe as a violent and lawless state which does not respect property
rights. No sane investor will invest in a country that does not respect property rights. It is
therefore not surprising that some companies have been leaving Zimbabwe since the
controversial land reform programme began. These images make investors nervous to invest in
the country. Another issue that is worth mentioning is that the pictures that showed massive
inflation and acute economic meltdown also drove away investors as they depicted an
economically hostile country that was not fit for investment. However, it should be highlighted
that investors also follow business and statistical reports especially from the International
Financial Institutions (IFIs) like the World Bank, IMF and World Trade Organisation (WTO).
Therefore, the impact of these pictures on Zimbabwe’s economy should not be read in isolation
from other critical factors.
From the above standpoint, one can concur with the respondents especially considering the fact
that the pictures in question depict graphic violence and, in some cases, murder, like in the case
of Terry Ford whose dead body was repeatedly shown on international media stations such as
CNN, France 24 English, Aljazeera English and BBC in March 2002. Besides showing lack of
property rights, such kind of images also showed the deficiency of personal security in
Zimbabwe. Such pictures made investors nervous. In other words, one can say that such
pictures were an anti-thesis to FDI.
However, it is also important not to overlook the role played by economic reports from
reputable IFIs such as IMF, World Bank, World Trade Organisation as well as popular
economic news sites and magazines like Bloomberg and The Economist, respectively. Investors
follow financial reports, newspapers and economic magazines closely which consequently
influence their decision whether to invest in a certain country or not.
Respondent three’s (2015) perspective was in line with the viewpoints of the afore-mentioned
respondents. Accordingly, the respondent was of the view that: “The dark cloud painted by
these images made investors to be reluctant to invest in the country which consequently
lowered foreign direct investment (FDI) in a way. Many Dutch farmers lost their farms and
Germans lost ranches and this was covered by the media even pictorially.” Correspondingly,
respondent four (2015) also concurred with respondent three (2015): “Yes of course, I think no
investor would be willing to come to invest in Zimbabwe especially those from EU and the US
who emphasize much on democracy and the rule of law. The images portraying farm invasions
simply indicated unambiguous evidence that Zimbabwe is country that does not respect
property rights and human rights in general.” It is therefore not surprising that the respondents
observed that such pictorial imagery repelled potential foreign investors in Zimbabwe. It is also
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important to stress that the EU and investors from EU value the rule of law and stability and
uses them as yardsticks for engagement including in the area of investment in any country and
Zimbabwe is of no exception.
Furthermore, respondents five (2015), six (2015) and seven (2016) also believed that the
pictures under study were a hurdle to FDI prospects especially from the EU countries and the
western world in general and to that end argued that:
Such images are not good for the political economy of Zimbabwe as they have the potential to
curtail foreign direct invest. Investors would be sceptical in investing in a country depicted as
violent and lawless in the media because through its images, the media oftentimes represent the
reality on the ground. It is not surprising therefore that FDI has been declining in Zimbabwe
since 2000. However, it should be noted that investment policies such as the indigenisation
policy in Zimbabwe also drives away investors and foreign companies.
To concur with respondent five (2015), respondent six (2015) was of the opinion that the
pictures in question “drove away investors and tourists and that is a blow to the fragile economy
of the country” whereas respondent seven (2016) noted that as a result of these pictures and
other reasons, foreign direct investment dropped significantly in Zimbabwe since 2000 and
that, even up to now, it is still very low. The same respondent noted that there were farmers
who used to export horticultural products to Europe and that stopped. Also, Zimbabwean beef
used to be preferred in the EU and trade in that direction also stopped. All the respondents to
the study argued that the pictures under study somehow played a role in driving away foreign
investors which consequently hurt Zimbabwe’s fragile economy.
However, it is equally important to stress out that other factors that curtailed FDI in Zimbabwe
were also cited by the respondents and these include; government officials’ inflammatory
rhetoric, political violence, economic sanctions and awkward investment laws like the
indigenisation policy. For instance, before its revision by the Emmerson Mnangagwa
government, the indigenisation policy required foreign companies and potential investors to
cede 51% of the shareholding to “indigenous” or black Zimbabweans. This meant that every
foreign company or potential investor was supposed to have a maximum shareholding of 49%.
Violation of the indigenous law was liable to five years imprisonment. This clearly drove away
many foreign investors.
Another point worth underlining is that, as discussed before in this chapter, the pictures under
study tainted the national image of Zimbabwe which in turn made investors reluctant to invest
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in Zimbabwe. Anholt (2005), Kunczik (2013) and Boulding (1961) are among a host of
scholars who emphasise on the importance of a positive national image in attracting foreign
direct investment. As some respondents to this study revealed, the battered national image of
Zimbabwe became a stumbling block to the country’s FDI prospects and should therefore not
be overlooked.
It is also worth mentioning that the EU’s “smart sanctions” also known as “targeted measures”
which were imposed in 2002 on the country’s ruling elite and companies associated with them
were also a stumbling block to Zimbabwe’s FDI inflows from EU countries. As such,
respondents 18 (2017) observed that the “smart sanctions” on Zimbabwe also drove away
investors from the EU as the sanctions created a “stigma” against Zimbabwe. Three more
respondents shared the same view with respondent 18 (2017). All in all, it is important to
highlight that although the pictures under study somehow drove away foreign investors, other
factors such as awkward investment policies, country reports, “targeted” sanctions, and the
negative national image should not be overlooked as they were also cited by the respondents.
7.4.2 Tourism
Another school of thought that emerged from the respondents was that apart from hindering
the country’s FDI inflows especially from EU countries, the pictures under study were very
harmful to Zimbabwe’s tourism prospects. Although they cited other factors such as EU’s
“smart sanctions” against Zimbabwe, travel warnings, awkward investment policies and
inflammatory rhetoric, all the respondents to this study concurred that the pictures under study
negatively impacted on Zimbabwe’s tourism sector. Moreover, empirical evidence indicates
that the tourism sector has been declining in Zimbabwe since 2000. For instance,
Karambakuwa etal (2011:1) note that despite tourism being an integral component of
Zimbabwe’s GDP which saw a 35% increase in 1995, this position changed since 2000 due to
political instability and the accompanying negative media publicity. Equally, Gweshe (2015)
is of the view that Zimbabwe’s tourism sector suffered heavily due to negative international
media publicity linked to the land reform programme of 2000 which consequently strained EU-
Zimbabwe relations.
By the same token, The Financial Gazette (2000) alluded to the fact that in 2000 tourist arrivals
mainly from the EU and other western countries to Zimbabwe declined significantly due to
negative publicity accompanied by graphic images of political violence in the international
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media. Likewise, a report by the Parliamentary Portfolio Committee on Tourism and
Hospitality Industry of Zimbabwe revealed that Zimbabwe has been outmanoeuvred by other
countries in the region in terms of attracting tourists from European Union countries, with the
country attracting 97, 380 tourists against South Africa’s 920, 706 in 2016 (New Zimbabwe, 3
July 2017). The critical question for this section is whether the pictures under study played any
role in the decline of EU tourists’ numbers to Zimbabwe, chiefly from the point of view of the
respondents.
Respondent one (2015) was of the view that the pictures under study “portrayed Zimbabwe as
an unstable country yet tourism is an industry that depends on the stability of the destination
country.” Accordingly, the same respondent added that: “Since 2000, tourist numbers to
Zimbabwe have been declining. If people see images of violence on the farms and at political
rallies, they become very reluctant to visit the country. Basically, the images affected the
country in terms of foreign direct investment and tourism.” Respondent two (2015) concurred
with respondent one and noted that “tourism numbers in relation to tourists from Europe has
plummeted since 2000 up to date, although there has been a recent steady rise in the numbers.
When citizens from European countries see such images, they become afraid to travel to
Zimbabwe.” Therefore, from the perspective of the afore-mentioned respondents, the pictures
under study affected Zimbabwe’s tourism sector.
In addition to that, respondent four (2015) argued that the images under study had “great
potential to inhibit tourists from travelling into the country considering the fact that the violence
on the farms portrayed in the pictures mainly targeted individuals of European ancestry.”
Correspondingly, respondent six (2015) observed that as a result of such images of violence
and other reasons, we witnessed a significant drop of tourist coming to Zimbabwe from the
European Union. Moreover, respondent eight argued that the pictures in question tainted the
national image of Zimbabwe in a significant way, which in turn kept many tourists at bay. The
respondent stressed out that therefore, the issue of the country’s national image which is also
intricately linked to the country’s diminishing tourist numbers should not be overlooked.
However, respondents also pointed out that besides the negative international media publicity
characterised by the pictures under study, there are also some factors that hindered tourists
from visiting Zimbabwe. For instance, respondent 20 (2017) cited travel warnings that were
issued by the EU to their countries against travelling to Zimbabwe. Accordingly, respondent
20 (2017) observed: “From 2000 to 2008, the EU issued several travel warnings to EU citizens
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against travelling to Zimbabwe. Violence was the main reason behind such travel warnings.
This definitely discouraged a lot of EU citizens from traveling to Zimbabwe.” In that regard,
travel warnings also played a role in discouraging EU tourists from visiting Zimbabwe.
In addition to that, respondent 16 (2017) noted that the meltdown of the economy and the
consequent deterioration of service delivery in the country also hindered many tourists from
visiting Zimbabwe. The same respondent noted that between 2007 and 2008, there were acute
water shortages in Harare, litter was not collected and there was an outbreak of cholera which
claimed numerous lives. In the same breath, the afore-mentioned respondent argued that
tourists from EU countries read about such a decline of the economy and service delivery and
were therefore discouraged from visiting the country.
Looking how the respondents generally interpreted the pictures under study, as well as their
remarks about the pictures in question vis-à-vis the national image and Zimbabwe’s economic
prospects, one could say that the respondents are interpreting the pictures in question from a
preconceived and stereotypical point of view. This point can be supported by the fact that the
respondents have a lot of background information from oral tradition, diaspora lobby groups,
diplomatic cables, civic society organisation, and reports from reputable institutions like the
UN in relation to the situation in Zimbabwe. Therefore, the way they interpret the pictures and
their effects thereof on the image and economy of the country is also influenced by these
“private frames” as Li and Chitty (2009) calls them. Therefore, it could be said that the
respondents used compromised “spectacles” to “read” the pictorial imagery under study. This
could have potentially affected their perception (image) of Zimbabwe.
Another issue that is worth highlighting is that the respondents seem to have interpreted the
pictures under study from a “power” and “institutional” point of view as opposed to a personal
and “objective” perspective. This point is derived from the way the respondents repeatedly
mentioned EU interests, values and principles vis-à-vis the pictorial material under study. The
fact that the respondents are part of a “powerful” institution like the EU, also means that their
interpretation of the pictures in question is from a “power” perspective and in line with the EU
value system and beliefs. This might also have compromised the objectivity of their
interpretations.
7.5
Conclusion
This chapter discussed the respondents’ remarks about the pictures under study in light of
Zimbabwe’s national image and economic dynamics. In light of the pictures under study and
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the national image of Zimbabwe, respondents noted that the pictures in question mirror an array
of negative images about Zimbabwe which range from racism, violence and hostility, economic
meltdown and inflation, as well as lawlessness and failed state. In relation to the pictures and
the economy, respondents were of the view that the pictures under study drove away foreign
investors and potential tourists from visiting Zimbabwe which consequently hurt the country’s
fragile economy. Moreover, the findings in this chapter revealed that apart from the pictures
under study, other factors such as oral tradition, reports from NGOs, Zimbabwe’s historical
background and social media platforms, among others, also played an important role in shaping
the national image of Zimbabwe. Pictures are therefore part of other many factors that shaped
the country’s image.
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Chapter 8: Conclusions
8 Summary
Motivated by the fact that pictorial images depicting Zimbabwe’s Crisis remain an obscure,
peripheral and neglected phenomenon, this study sought to explore how iconic pictures
depicting Zimbabwe’s Crisis are interpreted by EU officials, especially in relation to the
country’s national image and economic dynamics. Accordingly, the study focused on the
respondents’ (EU officials) thoughts, memories, feelings, and descriptions about the pictures
in question in general, as well as their remarks about the same pictures vis-à-vis Zimbabwe’s
national image and economic trajectory. Against this backdrop, the study sought to tackle three
fundamental questions: (1) What are the respondents’ thoughts, feelings, descriptions,
memories and remarks about the pictures under study? (2) What are the respondents’ views on
the pictures under study in light of Zimbabwe’s national image? (3) What are the respondents’
remarks on the pictures in question vis-à-vis Zimbabwe’s economic dynamics? Before
addressing these key questions, the researcher first employed Marotzki and Stoetzer’s (2006)
model of pictorial analysis to study the pictures in question. The study of the pictures in
question using the above-mentioned model was done to “read” them from an informed or
scientific point of view in line with the dictates of the theoretical discourses of image
science/Bildwissenschaft and iconology. The results from the study of the pictures using the
afore-mentioned model were compared with those established from the respondents’
interpretation of the same pictorial images. The period of the study is between 2000 and 2017
and the eight iconic pictures and two videos that were dealt with were drawn from the BBC,
CNN, France 24 English and Aljazeera English. Outlined in this chapter is the summary of key
conclusions drawn from the study. The conclusions are divided into two categories: (1)
conclusions related to the study of the pictures in question using Marotzki and Stoetzer’s (2006)
model of pictorial analysis, and; (2) conclusions related to the interpretation of the same
pictures by the respondents. The former category also includes a comparison of conclusions
related to the manner in which the respondents and the researcher interpreted the above-
mentioned pictures. In addition to that, this chapter seeks to highlight the contribution of this
study as well as proffering areas for further research. Concluding remarks are also included at
the end of the chapter.
8.1
Conclusions Related to Marotzki and Stoetzer’s Model
Within the ambit of image science and iconology, the researcher utilized Marotzki and
Stoetzer’s (2006) model of pictorial analysis to deal with eight iconic pictures and two videos
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depicting Zimbabwe’s Crisis. Accordingly, several conclusions were reached. One of the
protruding conclusions is that the pictorial images in question, stirred emotions particularly in
form of anger, fear, horror, hopelessness and sympathy on the part of the researcher. As
previously revealed in chapter five of this thesis, the same emotions were also evoked by the
same pictorial images on the part of the respondents of this study. This is in harmony with the
widely held scholarly view that pictures evoke emotions on the part of their consumers. Among
several others, scholars who support the thesis that pictures evoke feelings include; Perlmutter
(1998; 2005); Sharkey (1993); Robinson (2013); Ammon (2001) and Vilmer (2012). Pictures
of victims of violence like that of the dead body of Terry Ford and victims of state security
agents’ brutality like Morgan Tsvangirai, Nelson Chamisa and Lovemore Madhuku evoke
anger, fear and sympathy, among other emotions. The fact that the pictorial images under study
evoked emotions on both the researcher and the respondents is in sync with the idea that images
are sometimes “universally” interpreted.
In addition to that, the study of the pictures in question using the above-mentioned model also
revealed an element of symbolism in relation to Zimbabwe’s political and economic crisis. As
shown in the second chapter of this thesis, symbolism is an essential feature of an iconic image.
For instance, the iconic picture of a one hundred trillion-dollar note dealt with in chapter four
of the thesis is symbolic to inflation that prevailed in Zimbabwe especially between 2007 and
2008. Similarly, pictures showing members of the Zimbabwe Republic Police attacking
citizens are also symbolic and symptomatic of an authoritarian and police state. The ZANU
PF’s clenched fist symbol, green “military” attire and the AK47 riffle that appears in some
pictures depicting violence, is symbolic and associated with the Marxist-Leninist-Moist and/or
communist ideology that underpinned the party’s ideological orientation especially during the
liberation struggle against British colonial rule. However, the respondents seem to have
overlooked the symbolism projected in the pictures under study, as they did not mention the
phenomenon in question.
A striking feature in relation to the two videos studied in chapter four of this study is the
employment of metapictures in the videos in question. As previously highlighted in this thesis,
metapictures are pictures inside other pictures or pictures of pictures (see Mitchell, 2015). The
use of metapictures in the above-mentioned videos ironically adds an “aesthetic” and “artistic”
element to the videos that depict extreme violence and suffering in Zimbabwe. However, the
issue of metapictures was not mentioned by the respondents during the key informant
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interviews. Also, the eight iconic pictures selected for this study also appear in the two videos
dealt with in chapter four which could also confirm their popularity, hence, their iconicity. In
addition to that, the study of the pictures in question showed that videos possess more impact
compared to still pictures. This is due to the videos’ features of a mixture of sound, gestures,
text and pictures which are related to Mitchell’s (1998) concept of “mixed media” previously
discussed in this thesis. The view that the videos under study possess more impact compared
to still pictures was shared by both the researcher and the respondents. It is also important to
highlight that, despite backgrounds of conflicting political ideology of the respondents, their
interpretation of the pictures in question largely dovetailed.
8.2
Key Conclusions of the Study
The conclusions discussed in this section are related the aim and research questions of the study
and are also associated with the discussion and findings outlined in chapters six and seven of
this thesis. Chapter six tackles the first research question whereas chapter seven deals with the
second and third research questions of this study. After the analysis of the data collected for
this research, several conclusions were drawn. Accordingly, the discussion below centres on
the main conclusions of this study.
The discussion in chapter five established that the pictures selected for this study evoked an
array of emotions including fear, horror, hopelessness, sympathy and helplessness on the part
of all the respondents. The capacity of pictures depicting Zimbabwe’s Crisis to induce emotions
on the respondents corroborates the results of the study of the same pictures using Marotzki
and Stoetzer’s (2006) model by the researcher. This shows that the pictorial images in question
are largely emotional. Terry Ford, Morgan Tsvangirai and Nelson Chamisa’s pictures stand out
in terms of evoking emotions. For instance, some respondents even mentioned that they were
moved to tears by some of the pictorial images depicting Zimbabwe’s Crisis. The effect of
pictures on their consumers is also at the heart of iconology, as the discussion in the third
chapter of this thesis revealed that; iconology also deals with how pictures affect us
emotionally, intellectually and cognitively.
Closely related to the narrative of pictures’ ability to induce emotions, is their capacity to evoke
public outcry. This view was shared by most respondents and is also supported by scholars
such as Bratton and Masunungure (2011). Moreover, there is scholarly work that supports the
existence of the nexus between pictures on one hand, and their ability to evoke feelings and
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public outcry on the other. Fishman (2017); Perlmutter (1998; 2005); Sharkey (1993);
Robinson (2013); Ammon (2001) and Vilmer (2012) constitute such a category of scholars.
The conclusion relating to pictures and emotions is associated with the first research question
of this study. What is also important is to mention that the fact that the pictures in question
were deeply emotional on the part of the respondents shows how significance they are and the
“danger” associated with their relegation to the periphery of the debate of Zimbabwe’s Crisis
by scholars and researchers.
Another notable perspective which emerged from the research findings is the dominance of the
pictures under study over statistical, verbal and rhetorical narratives. This perspective, which
seem to dovetail with the popular idiom that a picture is worth a thousand words, hinges on the
idea that pictures stick to memory (in form of mental images) for a lengthy period compared
to words and statistics. For instance, more than half of the respondents still remembered
pictures depicting Zimbabwe’s Crisis, yet they had forgotten about most of the reports that they
had read in relation to the same crisis. The explanation for this phenomenon could be that
verbal and statistical narratives lack deep emotions associated with pictures (including the ones
selected for this study), hence, their limited ability to stick to memory compared to pictorial
images. Scholars such as Fishman (2017) support the thesis that pictorial images dominate
verbal and statistical narratives in terms of effects on their consumers. The above-mentioned
conclusion therefore rhymes with such a thesis.
Another perspective which emphasises on the importance of pictures, including the ones
selected for this study, over verbal, rhetorical and statistical narratives; views pictures as
projectors of the real or actual situation on the ground. However, a counter thesis to this
viewpoint is a school of thought by some respondents which advances the argument that
pictures, including the iconic pictures depicting Zimbabwe’s Crisis, are prone to manipulation
according to political expediency. A textbook example that was cited on how pictures can be
manipulated for the sake of parochial interests is the case of the iconic picture taken at the
White House in the so-called Situation Room during the Osama bin Laden raid in 2011. In an
act that smacks of sexism and patriarchal hegemony in the media, an Orthodox Jewish
newspaper, Di Tzeitung, manipulated the above-mentioned image by deleting former US
Secretary for State, Hillary Clinton. This shows that pictures are not immune from
manipulation for parochial gain.
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Furthermore, Clinton’s example also shows that pictorial images, including those selected for
this study, could be used as “political weapons” by media houses. However, it is unlikely that
“reputable” international news stations like Aljazeera English, BBC, CNN and France 24
English would have manipulated the pictures under study because such news stations have a
reputation to protect and would not want to be associated with the “fake news” debacle.
However, journalists are the ones who have the discretion to choose the most outstanding or
iconic images from a pool of many other images to broadcast. As highlighted in chapter six of
this thesis, the process of journalists choosing images for broadcasting (selectivity) leads to
subjectivity, as the selected pictures would only show one side of the story at the expense of
the other. Such a phenomenon is also associated with framing and the consequent “projected”
images of nations that emanate from the media.
Another school of thought which also emerged in the discussion in chapter five of this thesis
emphasises on the “empirical” or “scientific” dimension of verbal and statistical reports which
makes them more reliable compared to pictures which are subject to manipulation and varying
interpretations. Therefore, as Plato warned against the overreliance of images in the ancient
times, some respondents also highlighted the loopholes associated with the iconic pictures
depicting Zimbabwe’s Crisis and other pictures in general. It is in such a context that the
reliance on statistics was emphasised. However, the shortcomings associated with the pictures
under study does not override the fact that they convey feelings and stick to memory compared
to verbal and statistical reports as the findings of this research revealed. Also, just like pictures,
statistical and verbal narratives related to Zimbabwe’s Crisis, are not absolutely insulated from
manipulation for parochial gain.
One of the notable themes to emerge from the interviews with the respondents relates to the
viral nature of the iconic images depicting Zimbabwe’s Crisis. As discussed in chapter three of
this thesis, the iconic pictures selected for this study went viral and were repeatedly broadcast
(sometimes live) by international media stations such as Aljazeera English, BBC, CNN and
France 24 English, among others. Repeatedly broadcast and viral pictures are intimately linked
with the CNN effect. According to the dictates of the CNN effect; viral and repeatedly
broadcast pictures induce emotions and public outcry which is usually followed by concrete
political action. This thesis, which emphasises on the impact of pictures, is usually upheld by
CNN scholars such as Perlmutter (1998; 2005); Sharkey (1993) and Vilmer (2012), among
others. The important question therefore is: for how long can pictures sustain the emotions that
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they induce on their consumers? In light of this question, a counter thesis which runs contrary
to the dictates of the CNN effect emerged.
A dissection of the data collected from the respondents revealed that the effects of the iconic
pictures selected for this study diminished over time due to their viral nature and over-repetition
in terms of broadcasting by international media stations. To that end, it was established that,
despite their graphic nature, the viral nature and the repeated broadcasting of the pictures in
question, made the respondents to get “accustomed” to them or develop “emotional insulators”
against their effects. To back up this viewpoint, parallels were drawn between the iconic
pictures related to Zimbabwe’ Crisis and those depicting the violent Syrian Civil War.
Therefore, it was noted that just like the Zimbabwean scenario, the Syrian pictorial images
have also lost their value in terms of their effects. In short, the viral nature and the repeated
broadcasting of the iconic pictures selected for this study diluted their message and emotions.
The discussion in chapter five indicated that the iconic pictures under study triggered acts of
iconophobia and iconoclasm. In the same vein, the study revealed a pattern of systematic
aggression by the state towards journalists in Zimbabwe. In some instances, journalists’
cameras, recorders, and images were destroyed by state security agents who wanted to suppress
the physical and verbal images associated with Zimbabwe’s Crisis. As previously highlighted
in this thesis, most international media houses lost their licenses, international journalists were
expelled from the country and newspapers destroyed. In 2001, suspected state security agents
bombed the Daily News premises; destroying newspapers, cameras and printers during such a
horrific act. Therefore, the study indicated that such actions by the state in Zimbabwe fit neatly
into the iconophobia and iconoclasm grid. The iconic pictures under study unsettled the state,
hence, the consequent hostile attitude towards journalists and images.
Iconophobia generally refers to the anxiety created by images whereas iconoclasm is the
suppression or destruction of images for political and religious expediency (see Mitchell,
2015). This study also revealed that iconoclasm is not just the physical annihilation,
suppression and prevention of the circulation of images but also the purging of words and ideas
(censorship) to arrive at the “correct” or so-called “purified” language. An observation revealed
that the iconic pictures under study were never broadcast on the state-controlled television
channel in Zimbabwe. Therefore, such deliberate prevention of circulation of the pictures in
question falls under the iconoclasm trajectory.
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However, the state did not manage to suppress both the physical and metaphorical images
related to the country’s crisis. This is evidenced by massive international media publicity about
Zimbabwe’s Crisis and the proliferation of pictures associated with it. The failure by the state
to suppress images related to the country’s crisis, is in sync with Michael Taussig’s postulation
that the destruction or suppression of images, is a sure way of guaranteeing them an even more
potent presence in memory, or as reincarnation in new forms, hence, the fundamental law of
the physics of the image is that images cannot be destroyed or suppressed (see Mitchell, 2015).
This study also revealed that the pictorial pictures under study, led to the emergence of two
diametrically opposed and antagonistic camps. One camp is presented by the state which was
hostile to journalists and their images whereas the other camp represents journalists, who
employed every trick in the book to make documentaries, take pictures and expose them to the
outside world. Most international journalists came to Zimbabwe disguised as tourists to
clandestinely document the country’s crisis especially during the period between 2002 and
2008. The hostile attitude of the state towards journalists led to a situation that could be
described as “journalists versus the state.” Therefore, the attitude of the state was largely
iconophobic and iconoclastic in many respects. On the other hand, the attitude of the journalists
who took, documented and exposed images related to Zimbabwe’s Crisis could be described
in the context of the iconodule and iconophilic camp. As highlighted in the second chapter of
this thesis, iconodules are those who revere images whereas iconophiles are those support
images. Accordingly, this study concluded that, in light of the pictures depicting Zimbabwe’s
Crisis, the state represented the iconophobic and iconoclastic camp whereas some local and
international journalists were leaning towards the iconodule and iconophilic camp. Therefore,
when it comes to the love and hate of pictures in the context of Zimbabwe’s Crisis, there are
two conflicting camps which emerged: (1) the iconophiles and iconodules (journalists), and;
(2) the iconophobes and iconoclasts (state and government officials). The capacity of pictures
to divide people along ideological lines indicates the severity of their impact on their
consumers.
The study also concluded that, in a bid to counteract negative publicity (including through
pictorial images), the Zimbabwean government embarked on a sustained propaganda
programme especially from the year 2000 to 2008. The study observed that such propaganda
was conveyed mainly through the state television broadcaster (ZBC TV) in form of verbal and
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pictorial narratives. Therefore, the study argued that the efforts by the state to counteract
international media publicity about Zimbabwe’s Crisis, led to the creation of a counter image
in as much as the country’s political and economic crisis is concerned. This is in sync with
Mitchell’s (2012) postulation that every image produces a counter image. State propaganda in
Zimbabwe during the country’s political and economic crisis is well documented by scholars
such as Chitando and Gatsheni (2009) who are of the view that Zimbabwe’s propaganda
programme which was crafted by former Information Minister, Jonathan Moyo, was calculated
and probably the most sustained in post-independent Africa. However, what is important to
highlight is the viewpoint that such propaganda represents a counter image to physical and
metaphorical images associated with Zimbabwe’s Crisis. The research findings and
conclusions about iconoclasm, emergence of ideologically opposed and antagonistic camps
and counter images, are related to what the respondents said about the pictorial images under
study. This is also in line with the aim and the first research question of this study.
In relation to the iconic pictures depicting Zimbabwe’s Crisis, the study also established the
existence of racial and gender bias in terms of representation by the media houses in question.
Moreover, this study alluded to the fact that the violence during the land reform programme
did not only affect white commercial farmers but also their black workers, yet the international
media was awash with pictures of the former compared to those of the latter. This observation
holds much water considering that even from the “iconic” pictures (still and moving) related
to the land reform programme selected for this study; there are no black victims, yet a close
observation will reveal that a notable portion of black farm workers and their families were
never spared from the violent scourge of the land reform programme. In fact, there is abundant
literature from scholars such as Sachikonye (2003) who chronicle the brunt that was borne by
black farm workers during the land reform, yet they are not represented in the iconic pictures
depicting Zimbabwe’s Crisis. It is from such a background that this study cited racial bias in
relation to the pictorial images in question. Part of the reason that could be used to explain such
racial bias could be that maybe the media house which broadcasted these images wanted to
draw attention from Western countries.
In addition to racial bias, this study also revealed that the pictorial images under study also
mirror gender bias in terms of gender representation by the international media stations in
question. In the same vein, it was noted that although there were female political activists who
were tortured and badly injured during the 2007 state sponsored violence, only images of male
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victims such as Morgan Tsvangirai, Lovemore Madhuku and Nelson Chamisa featured
prominently in international media circles. This was despite the fact female political activists
like Grace Kwinjeh, Sekai Holland and Beatrice Mtetwa, among others, were also savagely
attacked by state security agents. Apart from the projection of an incomplete picture, the
underrepresentation of female activists by the media houses in question plays into the
patriarchal gallery. Another danger is that the overlooking of female victims of political
violence by the media, could “normalise” violence against women. Besides, the gender and
racially biased pictures represent an incomplete and single narrative about Zimbabwe’s Crisis,
yet Ngozi (2009) gives a stern warning about the dangers of a single story. The conclusion
related to pictures and gender and racial bias is associated with the first research question of
the study.
In terms of the EU attitude towards Zimbabwe, this study established that the pictures under
study somehow influenced the EU foreign policy posture towards the country. For instance,
the study argued that the decision to impose “smart” sanctions or “targeted measures” on
Zimbabwe by the EU in 2002 was to some extent influenced by images from international
media depicting violence during the land reform programme and the 2002 presidential
elections. In the same vein, the study indicated that the images in question were “tangible
evidence” of political violence in Zimbabwe. In addition to the “targeted” sanctions, travel and
investments warnings that were issued by the EU to their citizens in relation to the situation in
Zimbabwe were somehow linked to the pictures which depicted human rights violations.
However, although the study argued that the television pictures under study somehow
influenced EU’s policy stance on Zimbabwe, it is worth highlighting that the pictorial images
in question should not be “read” in isolation of several other factors that also shaped the EU-
Zimbabwe relations matrix. Reports concerning Zimbabwe’s political and economic condition
from reputable NGOs, think tanks, international financial institutions (e.g. World Bank, IMF
and WTO), academics and the diaspora community should not be overlooked. Therefore,
pictures are only a single factor among many other factors that shaped the European bloc’s
attitude towards Zimbabwe. However, it is worth mentioning that the conclusion that the
pictures depicting Zimbabwe’s Crisis somehow swayed the EU’s attitude towards the country
is in sync with the CNN effect scholarship. Overall, it could be said that, to a relative degree,
the pictures depicting Zimbabwe’s Crisis shaped the EU’s attitude towards Zimbabwe.
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Research questions two and three of this study dealt with the respondents’ remarks about the
pictures under study vis-à-vis the national image of Zimbabwe and the country’s economic
dynamics, respectively. These two questions were addressed in the discussion in the seventh
chapter of this thesis. Accordingly, the study established that the pictorial images in question
had a pronounced effect on the country’s national image and economic trajectory. It was
concluded that the pictures in question not only damaged the national image of the country but
also painted a gloom and adverse picture about Zimbabwe. Importantly, the data revealed that
the negative national image of Zimbabwe projected by the afore-mentioned pictures drove
away investors and tourists especially from the EU countries. Therefore, this conclusion reveals
the nexus that exists between and among the pictures in question, Zimbabwe’s national image
and its economic trajectory. The study argued that the violent nature of some of the pictures
under study would naturally make investors and tourists from the EU hesitant to visit the
country. Thus, such pictures are a threat to the tourism industry and FDI as these two sectors
depend on stability and the rule of law.
Another conclusion which emerged from the study is the idea that the iconic pictures depicting
Zimbabwe’s Crisis act as a mirror projecting a multidimensional image in as much as
Zimbabwe is concerned. As shown in chapter six of this thesis of this thesis, the pictures under
study were associated with images of violence and hostility, lawlessness and failed state, racism
and inflation and economic meltdown. Most of the respondents mentioned the multiple images
about Zimbabwe reflected by the pictures under study. Hence the conclusion that the pictures
under study project a fluid, multidimensional and sometimes metaphorical image about
Zimbabwe. This finding is in sync with the nature of national images as the discussion in the
previous chapter revealed that national images are mental, metaphorical, intangible, abstract,
fluid and subjective entities whose perception differs from one individual to another. Also, the
study concluded that the pictures in question acts as a mirror which reflects multiple images in
relation to Zimbabwe which include the images of lawlessness, violence, failed state, economic
collapse and inflation and suffering, among others. The conclusion which relates Zimbabwe’s
national image with multiple dimensions rhymes with Boulding’s (1961) observation that just
as there are many individuals, there are also many national images depending on the beholder.
In addition to that, the perception of Zimbabwe’s image through the pictures from the
international media fits into projected images of nations under the realm of public frames
(media representation) within the context of the theory of framing.
172
Considering the overall interpretation of the iconic pictures selected for this study by the
respondents, it seems inescapable to conclude that the way the respondents interpreted the
pictorial images in question, boils down to issues related to institutional power, interest and
background information about Zimbabwe, which in turn compromised the lenses that the
respondents used to interpret or “read” the pictures in question. Since the respondents were
drawn from the EU, an institution associated with power and influence, it could mean that even
the way they interpret the pictorial images under study is from a powerful and institutional
point of view. For instance, during the interviews, the respondents kept on referring to EU
principles vis-à-vis the pictures under study. This shows that their interpretation was somehow
tied to the blinkers of institutional frameworks and principles. In that regard, it could be said
that the respondents interpreted the pictures in question, from a straitjacket point of view which
to some extent “compromised” their overall interpretation.
To support the straitjacket thesis mentioned above, respondents mentioned that apart from the
media and its images, they also knew about Zimbabwe’s Crisis through NGOs’ reports, oral
tradition, diaspora community and Zimbabwe’s history in general. This shows that before the
interpretation of the pictures under study, respondents had preconceived ideas and stereotypes
about Zimbabwe which most likely “contaminated” the lenses that they used to interpret the
pictures in question. It is also worth mentioning that the perception of Zimbabwe from a
preconceived and stereotypical point of view rhymes with perceived images of nations which
is in sync with private frames in the context of the theory of framing. However, it is important
to underline that the way the respondents interpreted the pictures under study is likely to have
been clouded by background knowledge about Zimbabwe, institutional interest and power.
8.3
Contribution of the Study
The contribution of this study could be looked at from a double perspective: (1) its academic
contribution, and; (2) Political debate vis-à-vis Zimbabwe’s Crisis. In relation to academic
contribution, this study is one of the foremost to deal with Zimbabwe’s Crisis from a visual
cultural and pictorial point of view. For instance, by focusing on the pictorial narrative of
Zimbabwe’s Crisis, the study marks a departure from the traditional trajectory which relegates
pictorial images to the periphery due to its tendency to gravitate towards verbal, rhetorical and
statistical elements of the country’s crisis. Apart from bridging the mentioned scholarship
lacuna by addressing an under researched area, the study also represents an academic paradigm
173
shift by carving its own niche and venturing on a route that has been rarely taken, hence, its
unique contribution in that respect.
Another important aspect about this study is that it was not undertaken from a general point of
view but rather from a “systematic” and “scientific” point of view in line with the dictums of
image science/Bildwissenschaft. Therefore, it could be said that even the results of the study
are “scientific” since the study did not follow an ill-defined, vague and generalised approach
to the study of iconic pictures depicting Zimbabwe’s Crisis. Accordingly, this study contributes
in terms of the “scientific” study of images.
As previously discussed, other important findings related to this study are associated with the
pictures under study vis-à-vis gender and racial representation in the media. The two afore-
mentioned issues are important especially in the context of the fight for gender and racial
equality. Therefore, this contributes to the gender and racial inequality discourse to some
extent. The debate on race and gender is topical in both academic and political circles.
From a political point of view, the findings from this study could be helpful in terms of the
understanding of the Zimbabwe’s Crisis. As indicated earlier on, Zimbabwe’s political and
economic crisis has always been analysed from a verbal and statistical point of view. Therefore,
by focusing on pictures, this study could have promoted the understanding of Zimbabwe’s
Crisis from another angle: the visual cultural and pictorial angle. In that regard, this study
helped to answer the question whether the pictures under study were the missing link in the
understanding of Zimbabwe’s Crisis. In addition to that, the findings of this research are
important in the context of EU-Zimbabwe relations and cooperation. Despite efforts towards
constructive engagement, Zimbabwe-EU relations remain relatively frosty, yet the EU is
Zimbabwe’s largest trading partner. Apart from trade, the EU also supports the civil society,
judiciary and provides humanitarian aid to Zimbabwe. Therefore, it is of paramount importance
for interested parties to fully comprehend the political and socio-economic dynamics that
underpin the way in which the country is perceived by some officials from the afore-mentioned
European bloc. As previously indicated in this chapter, this study established that the pictures
under study damaged the national image of Zimbabwe as they mirror a gloomy picture
associated with racism, violence, hostility, economic meltdown and lawlessness in relation to
the country’s national image. Such a finding is important especially when the vitality of a
nation’s image or “nation’s brand” is borne in mind. In the same vein, the pictures under study
had the capacity to drive away tourists and foreign direct investment and potentially provoked
174
dire economic consequences. The study also established that the pictures under study to some
extent shifted the EU foreign policy pendulum on Zimbabwe. All this information is critical in
terms of policymaking in as much as Zimbabwe is concerned.
8.4
Recommendations for further research
This research, just like others, can be used as a window of opportunity for conducting other
research projects in the future. As the study revealed especially in the fifth and sixth chapters
of this thesis, not only pictorial images but also verbal images specifically in the mould of
government officials’ inflammatory rhetoric against the opposition, EU, US and their allies
impacted on Zimbabwe’s Crisis. Since such inflammatory rhetoric or hate speech fits into the
verbal images’ family, there is therefore an avenue for researchers in the future to examine how
the verbal images in question are “interpreted” by the same officials from the EU, hence; this
could be another area worth examining.
Since this study focused on how EU officials interpret pictorial images depicting Zimbabwe’s
Crisis, the data collected was associated with a European institution. Therefore, it would be
interesting to examine how the same pictures are interpreted by officials from other continental
and regional organisations in Africa. For instance, one could study how the above-mentioned
pictures are interpreted by officials from the African Union or from other regional bodies such
as SADC or ECOWAS. Also, results from such a study could be compared with the results of
this study.
8.5
Concluding Remarks
Considering the entire discussion in this chapter, it could be said that, this study managed to
fulfil its aim. One important lesson that protrudes from this study is that pictures are not as
general as they appear. This lesson is in line with the dictates of image science which emphasise
on the scientific and systematic study of images as opposed to a general and undefined
trajectory. The “scientific” study of the iconic pictures depicting Zimbabwe’s Crisis led to
findings and conclusions that would not have been reached through a general and “unscientific”
approach. Judging from this study, it could be said that the scientific study of images seems to
be the most appropriate approach. Also, the pictorial images depicting Zimbabwe’s Crisis have
been embedded into the country’s history and will exist for generations to come. Therefore,
such pictorial images should not be taken at face value as they have serious political and
economic repercussions.
175
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Key Informant Interviews
Respondent 1 (2015) PhD Project Interview, Interview by Charles Moyo, 15 August, 10:00
am
Respondent 2 (2015) PhD Project Interview, Interview by Charles Moyo, 20 August, 13:00
pm
Respondent 3 (2015) PhD Project Interview, Interview by Charles Moyo, 25 August 11:00
am
Respondent 4 (2015) PhD Project Interview, Interview by Charles Moyo, 10 September,
14:00 pm
Respondent 5 (2015) PhD Project Interview, Interview by Charles Moyo, 15 September,
10:00 am
Respondent 6 (2015) PhD Project Interview, Interview by Charles Moyo, 15 September,
10:00 am
Respondent 7 (2016) PhD Project Interview, Interview by Charles Moyo, 15 September,
10am
Respondent 8 (2016) PhD Project Interview, Interview by Charles Moyo, 15 September,
16:00 pm
Respondent 9 (2016) PhD Interview, Interview by Charles Moyo, 10 October, 12 pm
Respondent 10 (2016) PhD Project Interview, Interview by Charles Moyo, 15 October, 15:00
pm
Respondent 11 (2016) PhD Project Interview, Interview by Charles moyo, 15 October, 17:00
pm
Respondent 12 (2016) PhD Project Interview, Interview by Charles Moyo, 20 November,
11:00 am
Respondent 13 (2016) PhD Project Interview, Interview by Charles Moyo, 28 November,
187
09:00 am
Respondent 14 (2017) PhD Interview, Interview by Charles Moyo, 8 October, 10:00 am
Respondent 15 (2017) PhD Project Interview, Interview by Charles Moyo, 10 October, 09:00
am
Respondent 17 (2017) PhD Project Interview, Interview by Charles Moyo, 10 October, 12:00
pm
Respondent 18 (2017) PhD Project Interview, Interview by Chares Moyo, 14 October, 09:00
am
Respondent 19 (2017) PhD Project Interview, Interview by Charles Moyo, 18 October, 11:00
am
Respondent 20 (2017) PhD Project Interview, Interview by Charles Moyo, 20 October, 11:00
am
Respondent 21 (2017) PhD Project Interview, Interview by Charles Moyo, 21 October, 10:00
am
Respondent 22 (2017) PhD Project Interview, Interview by Charles Moyo, 22 October, 11:00
am
Respondent 23 (2017) PhD Project Interview, Interview by Charles Moyo, 22 October, 12:00
pm
Respondent 24 (2017) PhD Project Interview, Interview by Charles Moyo, 22 October, 14:00
pm
Respondent 25 (2017) PhD Project Interview, Interview by Charles Moyo, 23 October, 11:00
am
188
Appendix 1: Interview Guide
Bayreuth International Graduate School of African Studies
University of Bayreuth
SECTION A: RESEARCHER’S INFORMATION
My name is Charles Moyo. I am a PhD student at the Bayreuth International Graduate School
of African Studies at the University of Bayreuth in Germany. My project is mainly about how
officials from the EU generally interpret iconic pictures depicting Zimbabwe’s Crisis, as well
as their views on the same pictures in light of the country’s national image and the economy.
It is against such a backdrop that I asked you to be one of my respondents. I will respect
confidentiality and your responses will not be used for purposes other than this research study.
Thesis Title: “Icons of Zimbabwe’s Crisis and their interpretation by EU officials.”
SECTION B: CONTEXT & QUESTIONS
Since 2000, Zimbabwe has been on the international news particularly due to its crisis political
and economic crisis that is associated with political violence and economic collapse. The
international media (mainly BBC, CNN, Aljazeera; France 24 etc) has been awash with
pictures and videos depicting political violence and economic collapse in the country.
Therefore, this research seeks to assess how the pictures in question are interpreted by EU
officials. Therefore, it is in that context that the following questions are asked:
1. How often do you watch international news and which stations do you usually watch?
2. The increased international media attention on Zimbabwe since 2000 led to the emergence
of pictures depicting the (violent) land reform programme, political violence and economic
decline. Do you remember any specific pictures (still and moving) related to these events?
If yes, which ones?
3. Could you please describe the pictures you mentioned above?
4. How did you feel when you saw these pictures?
5. Which pictures do you think are iconic or exceptional in relation to Zimbabwe’s Crisis and
why?
6. Do you think that these pictures managed to tell the Zimbabwean story in the context of the
country’s political and economic crisis?
7. What are your thoughts about these pictures?
8. What to these pictures generally mean to you?
9. How important are these pictures in relation to your work?
189
10. Do you think these images had any impact on the relationship between Zimbabwe and the
EU in anyway?
11. What are your comments on these pictures in light of Zimbabwe’s national image?
12. What is your view on these pictures in relation to the country’s economy?
13. Do you remember any of these pictures? (Eight iconic pictures selected for the study will
be shown to the interviewee). From which year are they from? Could you give any
background knowledge about them?
14. Do you have any other comments or remarks in relation to the pictures depicting
Zimbabwe’s Crisis?
