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University of Bayreuth
African Studies
WORKING PAPERS
Billian K. Otundo & Walter Sande, 2024
Linguistic Borrowing and Cultural Significance
Analysing the Impact of Dholuo Figures of Speech on Olusuba
Folksongs and Abasuba Cultural Identity
51
University of Bayreuth
African Studies
WORKING PAPERS
Linguistic Borrowing and Cultural
Significance
Analysing the Impact of Dholuo Figures of Speech on
Olusuba Folksongs and Abasuba Cultural Identity
CC-BY 4.0
Billian K. Otundo & Walter Sande, 2024
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Linguistic Borrowing and Cultural Significance
University of Bayreuth African Studies Working Papers (LI)
About the Authors
Billian K. Otundo
Billian Otundo is a postdoctoral researcher at the Cluster of Excellence “Africa Multiple” at the
University of Bayreuth in Germany. Concurrently, she is engaged in teaching and pursuing a
postdoctoral degree (habilitation) in English Linguistics at the same institution. Previously, she
held positions as a postdoctoral researcher at Radboud University in the Netherlands, lecturer at
Moi University in Kenya, and as a cooperation scientist at the University of Cologne, Germany.
Otundo earned her doctorate in English Linguistics from the Bayreuth International Graduate
School of African Studies (BIGSAS) at the University of Bayreuth. Her research interest is in
multilingualism, sociolinguistics, sociophonetics, and educational linguistics and policy. She is a
co-editor for the Journal of Linguistics, Literary and Communication Studies, and for the Cluster
of Excellence “Africa Multiple” Multiplicity Series. Her research has been recognised with grants,
including The World Academy of Sciences (TWAS-DFG), the German Research Foundation (DFG)
- Cluster of Excellence Africa Multiple, and NWO/WOTRO Science for Global Development & Dutch
Ministry of Foreign Affairs.
Walter Sande
Walter Ochieng Sande is a full-time lecturer in Linguistics within the Department of Linguistics,
Literary, and Communication Studies at Jaramogi Oginga Odinga University of Science and
Technology (JOOUST), Kenya. With over five years of teaching experience at the university level
and a decade devoted to research, he brings a wealth of expertise to his role. He has published
over eight papers featured in reputable journals, including three solely authored works and five
co-authored collaborations. Sande supervises master's and doctorate candidates in Linguistics at
JOOUST and has completed three years of specialised research training, funded by The British
Academy and the Language Association of Eastern Africa Conference (LAEA). Through these
programs, he has acquired comprehensive knowledge and skills in both applied and descriptive
linguistics, positioning him as a versatile expert in language studies.
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Abstract
This article discusses the dynamic interplay between language contact, cultural exchange, and
expressive forms of communication within the multicultural societies of Abasuba and Luo living
in Kenya. From a socio-pragmatic perspective of signification of figures of speech in Olusuba
traditional folksongs, we elaborate on a social context that manifests and inducts the socio-
pragmatics of linguistic borrowing, particularly figures of speech (FOS), from Dholuo into Olusuba
traditional folksongs. Unique to this study is that in the Olusuba speech communities, speakers
are found to communicate non-literally to convey ideas and/or knowledge borrowed from the
Luo community. The analysis was grounded in the Semiotic Theory (Barthes 1983) and
constructed around de Saussure’s Theory of Meaning (1916) which proposes that language is a
union of signs whose relation between their physical and symbolic distinction is arbitrary and
thus attains its meaningfulness through the rules of convention. An ethnographic research design
was adopted and a qualitative analysis of linguistic features and thematic content in Olusuba
folksongs was employed to examine how borrowed FOS contribute to the expressive power and
cultural significance of these songs, particularly in conveying themes related to nature and socio-
economic activities shared by the Abasuba and Luo communities. Additionally, the study
investigates the broader implications of integrating borrowed FOS into Olusuba folksongs on the
preservation and evolution of cultural identity among the Abasuba people. In this endeavour,
intact cultural groups of Abasuba people in natural settings were interviewed on Dholuo-oriented
Olusuba folksongs alongside non-participatory observation during the performance of the
folksongs. The results, for example, revealed the use of linguistic symbols whose semantics have
been induced by Olusuba-Dholuo contact. This research sheds light on the intricate relationship
between language contact, cultural exchange, and identity formation in multicultural societies,
offering insights into the complexities of linguistic and cultural dynamics in diverse communities.
Keywords: figures of speech, folksongs, language contact, Olusuba-Dholuo, cultural exchange,
cultural identity
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Linguistic Borrowing and Cultural Significance
University of Bayreuth African Studies Working Papers (LI)
Acknowledgements
Heartfelt thanks to all the participants of this study. This research was presented on the
conference panel, “Spatiality in Multilingual African Contexts” of the Africa Multiple Cluster of
Excellence Spatialities Conference at the University of Bayreuth. The conference was funded by the
Deutsche Forschungsgemeinschaft (DFG, German Research Foundation) under Germany´s
Excellence Strategy – EXC 2052/1 – 390713894.
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CONTENT
Institute of African Studies (IAS)
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About the Authors
iii
Abstract
iv
Acknowledgements
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Linguistic Borrowing and Cultural Significance: Analysing the Impact of
Dholuo Figures of Speech on Olusuba Folksongs and Abasuba Cultural
Identity
1 Introduction
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2 Language Contact: Olusuba-Dholuo
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3 Figures of Speech, their Position in Songs
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4 Language Contact: Impact on Culture and Interplay with Ecology
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5 Research Methodology
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6 Findings and Discussion
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6.1 Contribution to Expressive Power and Cultural Significance
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6.1.1 Figure of speech: Hyperbole
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6.1.2 Symbolism
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6.1.3 Synecdoche and metaphors
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6.2 Adaptation and Integration within the Cultural Framework
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6.2.1 metonyms
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6.2.2 Proverbs
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6.2.3 Synecdoche and understatement
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6.2.4 Symbolism
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6.2.5 Imagery
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6.3 Preservation and development of cultural identity
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6.4 Communicating traditional knowledge, social values, and beliefs
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6.5 Reflection on broader patterns of language contact and cultural exchange
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7 Conclusion
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8 References
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9 Latest Publications in the Main Working Paper Series
21
Linguistic Borrowing and Cultural
Significance
Analysing the Impact of Dholuo Figures of Speech on
Olusuba Folksongs and Abasuba Cultural Identity
Billian K. Otundo & Walter Sande
1 Introduction
Language contact among distinct linguistic communities frequently results in complex cultural
exchange, semantic evolution, and sociolinguistic adaptation interplays. Linguistic borrowing due
to language contact is the systematic integration of linguistic elements from one language into
another, which Cowgill (1963) refers to as contact-induced alterations. These modifications,
particularly the nativisation of borrowed traits, indicate the complex interaction of linguistic
communities in the same geographical area. This phenomenon has attracted scholars’ attention,
focusing on contact-induced changes in the recipient language in various facets of language use,
including songs (e.g., Sanchez; Cagayan and Allan 2019; Moyna and Loureiro-Rodríguez 2022;
Perangin-Angin 2020; Sonkamble 2020; Verschik 2021). Songs are fascinating because they also
feature figures of speech (e.g., Ashtiani and Derakshesh 2015; Fata et al. 2023; Malik 2023) which
are of particular concern for this study.
In Kenya, for instance, the convergence of the Olusuba and Dholuo languages provides an
intriguing setting for studying the dynamics of linguistic contact and its socio-pragmatic
repercussions because Olusuba has been classified as a moribund language (Sande 2019) whose
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speakers have shifted to speaking Dholuo. The cultural exchange between the Abasuba and Luo
communities has resulted in incorporating linguistic characteristics from Dholuo, such as figures
of speech (FOS), into Olusuba traditional folk songs. As posited by Sande (2019) in his study of the
revitalisation of Olusuba, Abasuba community has always treated Dholuo as a prestigious
language. This has endangered their language given the reason that they tend to use Dholuo at the
expense of their language Olusuba within and outside their homesteads. The inclination of the
Abasuba to Dholuo has resulted in much borrowing from Dholuo as evident in figures of speech
used in Olusuba songs. Figures of speech, as products of human conceptual and linguistic
creativity, contribute significantly to communication by providing depth, subtlety, and aesthetic
appeal to speech (Ashtiani and Derakhshes 2015; Mariani 2018). These linguistic strategies that
stray from literal speech serve a variety of communicative tasks, including comparison, emphasis,
and humour, adding to the richness of language and culture.
By investigating how figures of speech are used in Olusuba songs, focusing on those influenced by
Dholuo features, we hope to uncover the intricate ways in which linguistic symbols gain meaning
and reflect the social reality of the speech groups involved. We draw our discussions on the
semiotic theory, particularly Barthes' (1983) conceptualisation of signs and de Saussure's Theory
of Meaning (1916), which emphasises the arbitrariness of linguistic signs and their meaning
within specific conventions. Our inquiry is founded on the awareness that language is more than
just a means of communication; it is also a repository of cultural knowledge, social identity, and
historical histories. We argue that the use of Dholuo-influenced linguistic symbols in Olusuba
traditional folksongs demonstrates not only linguistic interaction between the two communities
but also broader socio-cultural exchanges and interconnection across Kenya's heterogeneous
linguistic environment. Linguistic borrowings, through techniques such as alternation and
insertion, facilitate the expression of cultural identities and values in a dynamic linguistic
landscape (Verschik 2021). This interaction of language, culture, and ecology highlights the
complex dynamics of identity development and cultural continuity among communities.
This paper, thus, addresses two research questions to elucidate the impact of linguistic borrowing
on Olusuba folksongs and the preservation of cultural identity among the Abasuba people. The
first question examines how FOS borrowed from Dholuo contributes to the expressive power and
cultural significance of Olusuba folksongs, particularly in conveying themes related to nature and
socio-economic activities shared by the Abasuba and Luo communities. The second question
investigates the broader implications of integrating borrowed FOS into Olusuba folksongs on the
preservation and evolution of cultural identity among the Abasuba people, considering the
transmission of traditional knowledge, social values, and beliefs through linguistic borrowing.
Through a detailed analysis of linguistic features and thematic content in Olusuba folksongs, this
study aims to provide insights into the intricate relationship between language contact, cultural
exchange, and expressive forms of communication within multicultural societies.
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Linguistic Borrowing and Cultural Significance
University of Bayreuth African Studies Working Papers (LI)
2 Language Contact: Olusuba-Dholuo
Whether structural or sociolinguistic, language contact has long been recognised as a
phenomenon that enriches recipient languages while also meeting rising societal demands
(Winford 2007). This enrichment is frequently achieved by the exchange of linguistic traits across
languages in touch, demonstrating the dynamic nature of linguistic evolution and cultural
interaction. As Sarah (2001) points out, no language evolves in perfect isolation, and destination
languages might benefit from the incorporation or borrowing of elements from source languages.
Some of the gains made are the borrowing of linguistic features used to describe a phenomenon
that might not have been within the community where the recipient language is used. Therefore,
the direction of linguistic features is always from the source language to the recipient language.
The borrowed features undergo the process of nativisation – imposing a linguistic feature of a
dominant language onto the recipient language. As viewed by Cowgill (1963), contact-induced
changes are systematic and in his defense of the systematisation he hypothesises:
If x in one morpheme of language A turns into y in environment z in language A’, a
changed later form of language A, then x will turn into y in environment z in every
morpheme in language A’ unless the process is disturbed. (Cited in Sarah 2007: 43)
Based on Cogwill’s (1963) formulation, it can be deduced that language change involves a
systematic integration of a linguistic feature from a source language into a recipient language, and
the two languages must be within the same locality. In the case of Olusuba, the language has not
changed but borrowed several linguistic features from Dholuo, some of which have made the
Abasuba (speakers of Olusuba) enjoy their stay together with the Luo (speakers of Dholuo). To
retain its structure, all the loanwords from Dholuo in Olusuba have undergone structural changes
to fit within Olusuba’s language system. Some of these loanwords, as discovered in this study, have
retained their social and semantic meaning despite undergoing structural changes. The Olusuba-
Dholuo contract is not recent; it was initiated the moment the Suba people migrated from Uganda
to the islands of Mfangano and Rusinga which border Homabay, the Luos’ native land (refer to
Figure 1). The name Suba was given to these migrants by Luo (Mhando 2008). The name,
according to Mhando (2008) was a reference to any immigrants who fled from Uganda. Therefore,
any non-Luo groups who came and settled in the areas of Rusinga, Mfangano, Kaksingri, Gembe
and Gwasi all in Kenya, came to be known as Suba or Abasuba and were later Luo-Abasuba after
they had acquired some Luo customs and practices. It is this acquisition of customs and practices
that prompted the current study to investigate the impact of Luo customs and practices on the
Abasuba. Some of these customs and practices have become helpful to the Abasuba, particularly
in the transmission of folks to Abasuba people from the Luo – a practice that has made Abasuba
adapt to the changes initiated by their contact with the Luo. Much of the available literature on
language contact is preoccupied with the vulnerability of the recipient languages to changes -
these languages stand to change either structurally, sociolinguistically, or psycholinguistically
under the influence of the dominant language (Winford 2007). The instability of these recipient
languages has made them lose their originality which is to their disadvantage. The loss of
originality includes but is not limited to the loss of lexical entries through their replacement with
lexemes from the donor language. It is not unusual to argue that these contact-induced changes in
4
the recipient languages are to some extent beneficial to the speakers of the recipient languages. It
is based on this premise that the present study seeks to linguistically analyse figures of speech
borrowed from Dholuo to Olusuba traditional folksongs.
3 Figures of Speech, their Position in Songs
The figure of speech has been viewed as a resultant product of human beings’ linguistic creativity.
As posited by Chomsky (1964), human being’s conceptual and linguistic creativity involves
several mental faculties and entails the existence of some kind of mental organisation responsible
for language invention. A figure of speech (henceforth FOS, also abbreviated the same for the
plural form) is, therefore, a byproduct of human beings’ conceptual and linguistic creativity. For
conceptualisation and creativity to occur, human beings must be exposed to language resources
(Chomsky 1964). From human beings’ exposure to language resources, arts of communication
have been brought into play for satisfactory communication. A FOS is, therefore, a creative use of
language to generate an effect in a piece of discourse. This is sometimes achieved through an
intentional deviation from literal statements or common usage (Ashtiani and Derakhshes 2015;
Marliani 2018). These deviations, according to Ashtiani and Derakhshes (2015), are done to
decorate language used in communication. Following Ashtiani and Derakhshes’ (2015) view on
FOS, it can be concluded that when one word is literal, it means precisely what it says but
sometimes a speaker may decide to use stylistic ornaments that are non-literal in their
communication, and for them to be understood, they need to be interpreted. Common among the
majority of FOS are myriad types of clarity, comparison, freshness, emphasis, and many other
intentions (Ashtiani and Derakhshes 2015; Marliani 2018).
In terms of their structures, Marliani (2018) views a FOS as a form of language that uses concrete,
literal message as a base and these concrete images are combined with startling and seemingly
unrelated images to create something new. Forms of these FOS have helped writers or speakers
to transfer their thoughts and feelings to persuade the readers or the listeners. Based on their
forms, FOS have been classified into various types. In linguistics, for instance, Marliani (2018) has
divided into ten types consisting of metaphors, similes, synecdoche, personification, metonymy,
allegory, hyperbole, irony, symbol, and paradox. Rozaki (1995) as cited in Marliani (2018) came
up with additional types not included in Mariani’s classification. He divides FOS into allegory,
ambiguity apostrophe, conceit, connotation and denotation, contrast, metaphor, irony, hyperbole,
litotes, metonymy, onomatopoeia, oxymoron, personification, sarcasm, simile, symbolism,
synecdoche and synthesis Despite a slight difference noticed in the classification of FOS by Mariani
(2018) and Rozaki (1995), there is a common feature that the two researchers agree to cut across
all the classes of FOS they came up with. The feature is the non-literal interpretation of FOS – the
meaning of a FOS goes beyond the surface meaning. Therefore, the interpretation of a FOS may
require someone to be well-versed in world knowledge and the language through which the FOS
is expressed. Constituting world knowledge is the knowledge of the environment (Chala and
Hunduma 2018). This is confirmed by Danela (2018) in her analysis of Albanian and Anglo-Saxon
epic songs. According to Danela (2018), Figures of speech in the epic songs of Albania and Anglo-
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Linguistic Borrowing and Cultural Significance
University of Bayreuth African Studies Working Papers (LI)
Saxon are found to be connected to particular themes that correspond to the environment within
which the songs were created. From Danela’s (2018) school of thought, we can deduce that one of
the contributory factors to the meaningfulness of FOS in speech communities is their attachment
to the environment. This informs the current study on the effect of the environment of the
Abasuba in their interpretation and use of environment-oriented FOS with elements of Dholuo.
The current study focuses on contact-induced FOS occurring in the pragmatics of Olusuba. Within
the framework of Semiotic theory, FOS with elements of Dholuo were analysed focusing on the
relationship between images and the environment where the images are used.
It is important to note that FOS are not just used haphazardly in the song genre. They are viewed
as the soul and spirit of literature as they add a variety of beauty, flavour and various colours and
shades to the writing (Ashtiani and Derakhshesh 2015). As argued by Ashtiani and Derakhshesh
(2015), writers have always used FOS to add spice to their writing, criticise, and comment on
others. In fact, behind the use of each FOS, there is a communicative goal such as comparing,
humouring, provoking, bolding, objecting, emphasising and deemphasising. Given the reason that
all these spices take care of the culture of the community in the use of FOS in its genres, Ashtiani
and Derakhshesh (2015) conclude that FOS are beneficiaries of a community’s culture in that
without culture a FOS may not exist. This study shows how the cultural exchange between
Abasuba and Luo has contributed to the meaningfulness of FOS in Olusuba songs some of which
are borrowed from Dholuo.
In their attainment of meanings, these FOS exist in two forms: comparative and contrastive FOS
(Azyza, Mustafa and Mumir 2022). Through comparative and contrastive existence, FOS are
dictated by the background theme of songs. The messages conveyed in both song lyrics are
expressed indirectly through strings of words that are full of meaning. These speeches attain their
meanings through contradictory participation in lyrics – one expression contradicts the meaning
of the previous expression. The validity of these FOS as used in lyrics is that the choice of words
does not state the original or actual meaning but is stated indirectly through interesting phrases
and describes the singer’s conditions and feelings (Azyza, Mustafa and Mumir 2022). From Azyza,
Mustafa and Mumir’s (2022) view on the ways FOS attain their meaning, a question is generated
by this research: could the contrast between the culture of the Abasuba and that of the Luo be an
anchor of the meaningfulness of Olusuba’s borrowed FOS from Dholuo? The next section
expounds on the impact of language contact on culture.
4 Language Contact: Impact on Culture and Interplay with Ecology
Culture is understood to be conveyed through language; therefore, any contact among languages
opens an avenue for cultural exchanges among the speech communities in question. Human
beings engage language in communication using a variety of forms including songs, puns, and
riddles, among others. It is through language that communities exchange ideas, knowledge, and
lifestyles. According to Sonkamble (2020), societies undergo various transformations due to the
migration of people from one place to another. In his study of traditional folksongs, Sonkamble
(2020) argues that as part of society, people happen to accept the changes for bettering their
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lifestyles and these changes are found to be preserved within folksongs. These changes, according
to him, are conveyed using incredibly new images and identities, some of which are in the form of
FOS. Worth borrowing from Sonkamble’s (2020) study is that through contact-induced
transformations, cultural gaps between or among speech communities have been narrowed, thus
enhancing mutual co-existence among the communities. Established in several studies including
Verschik’s (2021) findings on multilingual songs in the Yiddish and Slavic communities in India is
that these borrowings can take two mechanisms: first, the mechanism of alternation which
involves a singer’s repeated use of two or more words from different languages in turn. Second, is
the mechanism of insertion which involves the inclusion of a morpheme or a word into a chunk of
discourse. This chunk can be a word, a phrase, or a sentence. Whenever an insertion happens, the
inserted item must be semantically specific to the linguistic item that holds it, and the semantic
specificity is governed by the religion and tradition of the speech communities in contact (Backus
and Verschik 2012). Based on the previous comparative studies by Mhando (2008) of Abasuba
and Luo culture, a lot has been found among the Abasuba to have been borrowed from Luo. Some
of these borrowings are in the form of words whose interpretations are beyond the literal
meaning. This study is, therefore, set to answer the question of how the borrowed words or
images in Olusuba folksongs are signified in these songs under the influence of the culture and
ecology of the two communities.
The relationship between language and ecology can be analysed through ecolinguistics. It is
through ecolinguistics that language(s) play life-sustaining interactions of human diverse species
and the environment (Ayushi and Amitash 2023). According to Ayushi and Amitash (2023), songs
construe the environment and ascertain how they encourage beneficial behaviour. In their study
of ecological consciousness in Punchi folksongs, Ayushi, and Amitash (2023) establish that the
way plants, animals and nature are represented in folksongs helps in creating a discourse of
ecology that encourages people to respect nature by vividly representing them in folksongs.
Respect for nature is enacted by applying indigenous knowledge represented in folksongs as
images (Sonkamble 2020). Songs have also been phenological records of past climate change (Liu
et al. 2021). In the same breath, Chala and Hunduma (2018) look at folksongs as a means of
environmental conservation. The position of Chala and Hunduma (2018) is that indigenous
knowledge is an effective vehicle in supplementing the existing efforts of conserving the
environment through FOS such as imagery, metaphors, and symbolic description. This is
confirmed by Perangin, Novita and Sanata (2020) in their ecolinguistic analysis of folksongs in the
endangered Pagu language. From their analysis, Perangin, Novita and Sanata find out that songs
have local cultural and traditional values that show the identity of an ethnic group, and these songs
show closeness in the group’s natural surroundings, an element of knowledge that future
generation is expected to have to maintain environment whose composition is full of vegetation
and physical features that constitute part of the contents of these songs. In the same ecolinguistic
analysis of Pagu songs by Perangin, Novita and Sanata (2020), it is discovered that the songs are
heavily influenced by other regional languages in North Halmahera such as Tobelo and Modole
whose linguistic features are displayed in the songs. Some of these features are in the form of FOS.
In their study on language mixing and metalinguistic awareness in selected songs among the
speakers of English and Spanish, Moyna and Loureiro-Rodríguez (2022), establish pride in the
adaptability afforded by hybrid culture underscored by linguistically mixed lyrics, some of which
are ecologically oriented. According to Moyna and Loureiro-Rodríguez (2022), communities in
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Linguistic Borrowing and Cultural Significance
University of Bayreuth African Studies Working Papers (LI)
contact almost always consider borrowed culture as intelligible ways of reserving and sharing
knowledge. Unique in the folksongs from within the communities in contact is their richness in
vocabulary that corresponds to the environment under which the contact communities live. Some
of these vocabularies are composed of signifiers whose meanings go beyond the surface meaning.
In such instances, the signifiers rely on the composition of the environment for its signification.
It is important to note that the cradle land of Abasuba people in Kenya are Mfangano and Rusinga
islands while that of the Luo is on the mainland. It is true that these lands – main and islands have
different ecosystems that may be attributed to the differences in climate. The two lands would,
therefore, be different in their composition. This study examines how borrowed items that are
ecologically dependent in their interpretation in Dholuo fit into Olusuba folksongs and remain
effective in these songs.
5 Research Methodology
An ethnographic qualitative research design that employed intact cultural groups of the Abasuba
and Luo in natural settings was adopted. The approach was justified because the interest of this
research was in the perception of the Abasuba speech community in the interpretation and use of
borrowed FOS in Olusuba traditional folksongs. The corpus for the study was constructed from
songs collected from Abasuba cultural events including but not limited to funeral events,
circumcision events, and festive events. The data was collected on Mfangano and Rusinga Islands
(see the appendix). For neutrality and impartiality, non-participatory observation was preferred.
This entailed participating not in the performances of the songs but sitting in unobtrusive places
within the study site as we audio-recorded the songs. The audio recording was done using a Sony
IC Recorder. Out of the 17 accessible audio-recorded songs, 8 songs were purposively utilised in
line with the topic of study. Particular attention was paid to FOS comprising loanwords as the
images. In the sampling of the songs, 3 native speakers of Olusuba and 3 native speakers of
Dholuofrom identified cultural groups were involved. The 6 research participants namely Mr.
Opata, Mr. Odhiambo, Miss. Achieng from Luo community and Mr. Obonyo, Mrs. Mukonwe and Mr.
Odiembo from Abasuba community were sampled from the population using snowball sampling.
Through snowballing the researchers were assisted by members of the two communities in
identifying resourceful informants from the speech communities in question. The number of
informants for this study was dictated by data saturation experienced after the interviewing of
the 6 informants. The 6 informants assisted in identifying songs that had the FOS. The
identification was done after a systematic playback of all the audio-recorded songs. The 8 selected
songs were then transcribed, cross-checked, and verified by the respective native speakers and
our intuitive knowledge of Dholuo. A corpus was then constructed from the selected songs. The
corpus construct consisted of lexemes that had Dholuo features and were figurative in terms of
their signification. In the data analysis, we began by interviewing 3 Suba informants on the
possible meanings of the identified FOS. Using our intuitive knowledge, the signification of these
FOS was analysed within the framework of Barthes’ (1967) Semiotic approach. In this approach,
we considered the meanings of the FOS beyond their surface meanings – informants’ perception
of the FOS was included in the interpretation, and their shared cultural activities were also studied
to establish the link between the cultural activities and the signification of the identified FOS.
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6 Findings and Discussion
The content analysis revealed that Olusuba folk songs convey a variety of themes. These themes,
when put together in the composition of songs, form powerful combinations that help underpin
the benefactive works of the songs. The linguistic analysis of the sampled folksongs established
that Olusuba songs are composed of FOS. The signification of some of these FOS showed the
influence of Olusuba-Dholuo contact.
Research Question 1: How do figures of speech borrowed from the Dholuo language contribute to the
expressive power and cultural significance of Olusuba folksongs, particularly in conveying themes
related to nature and socio-economic activities shared by the Abasuba and Luo communities? And
how are these linguistic devices adapted and integrated within the cultural framework of the
Abasuba community?
6.1 Contribution to Expressive Power and Cultural Significance
Nature-oriented folksongs were classified as grounded on the phenomena and composition of the
physical world as well as scenarios beyond human control. The phenomena include diseases
associated with abomination, medicinal plants, life, and loss, among other inevitable occurrences
in life. This has been achieved in Olusuba songs using several figurative speeches which in this
study are classified based on the functions of these speeches in the songs.
6.1.1 Figure of speech: Hyperbole
This study found that the two cultural groups have arbitrarily agreed on the relationship between
the reference to death and its repercussions. This combines a sensory impression of ‘death’ with
the mental content of ‘death’. Consider Song 1.
Example Song 1: A Dirge performed during the burial of a beloved
Oetha wang’kio muetha namang’anake
Whoever invited death had what motive
Omutu oetha emasira kikorri niki x2
Whoever invited death had what motive x2
Ekitu kikorri omutu akuri?
Whoever invited death had what motive?
Evident in the song is a figurative use of the term emasira to refer to death. The term is borrowed
from Dholuo lexeme masira. The term has been morphologically nativised by its prefixation of the
augment ‘e’ which according to Sande (2019) is a characteristic of noun class 9a – a class of
Olusuba borrowed nouns. The term emasira has been hyperbolically used in this song to portray
9
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University of Bayreuth African Studies Working Papers (LI)
death as a disaster whose aim is to not only destroy the immediate family but to destroy the whole
community as well. The perception given to death is found to be common within the two speech
communities hence the borrowed reference emasira. Based on this perception, Abasuba has been
keen on occurrences and things that are likely to cause emasira to the extent of placing some
mandatory practices that every member of the society must undertake, failure to which a spell is
cast on the defaulting member. This shared perception enhances the emotive power of Olusuba
folksongs and underscores the cultural significance of mourning rituals.
6.1.2 Symbolism
Olusuba-Dholuo contact has also led to the Abasuba’s adoption of a Dholuo term dibuoro. The term
is used to communicate to people how valuable the deceased is in terms of physique and societal
role and is thus irreplaceable. See Song 2.
Example Song 2: A Dirge performed after the burial of a beloved
Awifu ndathema orukweri omura wa Gem
Ooh, I scream son of Gem
Ndimuthu omura wa Gem
Ooh, I am terrified son of Gem
Saithu akuri wiogong’o
Dad has slept wiogong’o
Abok omura waolang’o
Abok son to olang’o
Ndasamara dibuoro okuri
I scream ‘dibuoro’ has slept
The term dibuoro is a Dholuo nominal whose referent is an attractive well-built young bull. In the
song above the diseased is praised as dibuoro, a symbol of a handsome well-built young son that
death has snatched from the family. The term, if not carefully used, creates room for two possible
interpretations: as a colour or a bull, hence its ambiguity. The context of the use of the word
dibuoro in this song fixes the ambiguous meaning of the word so that it means the bull. The term
in this context, therefore, symbolises a beloved son who may not be replaced upon his death. It is
worth noting that the term is strictly used on sons. This explains the worthiness of a male child in
the Abasuba community. The ambiguity adds depth to the cultural significance of the song and
highlights the nuanced understanding of loss and grief shared by the Abasuba and Luo
communities. This finding aligns with Mhando's (2008) assertion that cultural practices,
10
including mourning rituals, are transmitted through oral traditions such as folksongs, thereby
reinforcing shared cultural values and beliefs.
6.1.3 Synecdoche and metaphors
In some Olusuba traditional folksongs, some Dholuo nativised terms are used to communicate
important traditional knowledge believed to safeguard members of society from suffering
ancestral curses. These curses manifest in the form of illnesses that require certain rituals for
healing. Part of the ritual practices is borrowed from the Luo and includes medicinal herbs which
form the core part of the rituals. Refer to Song 3.
Example Song 3: Folksong instruction on how a medicinal plant should be used for its
effectiveness
Kuama eene oakie omugenga
Make sure you light omugenga
Ngavura no omugeni yoyo naagieiku mugenga
Let no stranger attend to ‘omugenga’
Kukikuraano kino, kuekigera ne ekeve
During this period it is a taboo
Agiisaechira/enkiira kiracha okumunyora
Let chira befall you
No onyo reokuragara omuthi amanyasi
And you get to need amanyasi
The song above is both a praise and warning song directed towards a son. Featuring in the song
are loanwords borrowed from Dholuo with some nativisation on their morphological structures.
The words are omugenga; echira/enkiira and amanyasi modified from Dholuo words magenga
chira and manyasi in that order. These words mean much more beyond the surface meaning with
each retaining its social meaning from Dholuo. Omugenga as used in the above song is a
synecdoche used to represent the comprehensive activities on the night of mourning. For instance,
the activity is meant to bar members of the family from having intimacy during the mourning
period and to send out any strangers during the night of mourning. This is done to ensure the
confidentiality of the discussions in the meeting of the sick person’s family and the herbalist.
Echira/enkiira symbolises any kind of ailments resulting from disloyalty to traditional norms and
11
Linguistic Borrowing and Cultural Significance
University of Bayreuth African Studies Working Papers (LI)
amanyasi metaphorically refers to a mixture of herbs meant to treat the echira. These metaphors
integrate seamlessly into Olusuba folksongs, enriching their expressive power and preserving
cultural practices shared by the Abasuba and Luo communities. As noted by Pavlik, Stefanski, and
Perea (2018), linguistic adaptations within cultural frameworks serve to preserve and perpetuate
socio-cultural practices, ensuring their continuity across generations.
6.2 Adaptation and Integration within the Cultural Framework
Concerning folksongs oriented to socio-economic activities, the Abasuba’s extensive stay with the
Luo, according to Mhando (2008), has made them borrow several social practices including
initiation – removal of six lower teeth; tattooing of daughters’ stomach kado; chasing away of
death teroburu; they believe that the dead send spirits to select few juogi. These practices were
believed to be important and, therefore, needed to be passed down to the next generations
through genres such as songs, proverbs, riddles, and narratives (Mhando 2008).
6.2.1 Metonyms
A number of these songs have been used to communicate power heredity in the society of the
Abasuba, and the communication has been done using figurative terms which correspond to their
referents. Consider the Olusuba song in Song 4.
Example Song 4: Song of instruction performed by parents during their preparation of their son
for parenthood
Omwana wane
My son
Iwue ni enguru eya uvumura wane
You are strength of my youth
Owa okuthanga okuso kamukichenge ogwane
The first and the eldest from my loins
Renthe ekirindi
Bring the stool
No oikare embari kayane
And sit by my side
12
Ove ne enyon thaeyo okuingwa
Be keen to listen
Ku okuva engiga kiriaang’i
For the time is near
No omureri gara nyari kaove
And custodian you must be
Nakava igaondavai
Just like I have been
This song talks about the passage of mantle from a man to his son. This is wholly communicated
using the word ekirindi modified from a Dholuo lexeme orindi. The term is a metonym given the
fact that ekirindi serves the purpose of passage of mantle reflects the cultural significance of power
heredity in the Abasuba community. Subsumed in this image are all other activities including
sacrifices that pertain to passage of power. This activity is given honour in the Abasuba
community; therefore, it must be attended by elders of the community to witness the passage. In
the case that a weakness is noticed in the successor, the elders advise accordingly. This adaptation
of linguistic devices within the cultural framework reinforces social norms and rituals associated
with parenthood. This resonates with Mhando’s (2008) observation that oral traditions, including
songs and proverbs, play a crucial role in transmitting cultural values and practices.
6.2.2 Proverbs
The economic activity of the Abasuba has also been found to be communicated through borrowed
FOS. One of the economic activities found to have been shared by Abasuba and Luo, even before
the Abasuba and the Luo came into contact, was fishing (Mhando 2008). Therefore, no new things
related to fishing were learnt by the Abasuba from the Luo other than species of fish. See the song
in Song 5.
Example Song 5: A song for harvesting sung during fishing and farm preparation
Oraso kaaae?
Where are you going to?
Ndaso kaevuangano
I am going to Mfangano
13
Linguistic Borrowing and Cultural Significance
University of Bayreuth African Studies Working Papers (LI)
Evuanga noniyiika
Mfangano is home
Yiikathura kora amarimo no okuruva
At home we do farming and fishing
Thuraru vao kuruusya omugonzo okuruva efulu ne engege
We fish using omugonzo to catch efulu and tilapia
The terms efulu and engege are products of the nativisation of Dholuo lexemes fulu and ngege in
that order. The two lexemes denote species of fish in Dholuo. Pavlik, Stefanski and Perea (2018),
in their study of fishing as an economic activity of the Luo at Dunga beach in Kisumu, establish
that the species ngege is a valuable species of fish in the Luo society with fulu ranked low in terms
of its demand. This is further confirmed by a Dholuo proverb Fulubendeoro ngege which loosely
translates to ‘Even halochronis (name of a small fish) employs tilapia (big fish)’. The two terms
have figuratively been used in this proverb to communicate equality in society, thus condemning
classism. The signification of the two terms in the song above is induced by Olusuba-
Dholuocontact. The persona in this song instructs others to use a special trap omugonzo to harvest
both engege and efulu. This communicates the importance of the two species to the Abasuba
community. These linguistic adaptations reinforce the importance of fishing in both communities
and convey traditional knowledge about fishing practices, and support Pavlik et al. (2018)
argument that linguistic adaptations reflect shared experiences and knowledge systems,
facilitating cultural continuity and cohesion.
6.2.3 Synecdoche and understatement
The Abasuba have also been found to communicate their sensory impression using lexemes
associated with crop farming. Some of these lexemes and their significations are borrowed from
Dholuo. This is demonstrated by the song in Song 6.
Example Song 6: Working song sung during planting season
Amarimo? Ochao kukomera emimea?
What will you be planting?
Amariwa, eviduuma na amagodo
Cassava, maize and beans
Kane? Sawavo vao amariri okukomera?
Has your father planted yet?
14
Igao, sawane asokie ekodhi
Yes, my father has removed seeds
Identified in the song above are two FOS: eviduuma and asokieekodhi. Eviduuma is a loanword
from Dholuo lexeme oduma which means maize. The term has been used to partly represent the
whole staple foods in the Abasuba community hence a synecdoche. The Verb Phrase (VP)
asokieekodhi exhibits Dholuo features, particularly in its use of the lexeme ekodhi a derivative of
Dholuo lexeme kodhi meaning seed. The expression is an understatement. The term underplays
what usually happens before the planting day, including a man and his wife’s intimate activities
that night. This signification is reconstructed from Luo cultural activities that take place before
planting. Failure to observe this practice is a curse to the farm, resulting in a poor harvest. The
image is meant to pass to the husband and wife the need for togetherness in a household. These
linguistic devices are integrated into the cultural framework to emphasise the significance of
agricultural practices and the importance of familial togetherness, also echoing the importance of
agricultural practices in Suba culture (Mhando 2008).
6.2.4 Symbolism
A social value that has been noted in Olusuba traditional folksongs is the interpretation of a non-
blood-related child in a family. Such a child has been treated as an illegitimate child in the Abasuba
community, and given a reference kimirwa, a lexeme directly borrowed from Dholuo without any
structural changes. See Song 7.
Example Song 7: Song of threat to a son of the soil not keen on the Abasuba community’s traditions
Nakava owana omweene owaekiaro, ng’aokugia dekiuuthe ethe emasira ndamwambiri
As a true son of land, I cannot forego our tradition lest taboo befall me
Omumu rao gambi gambirina kava omwana omweene ngoo wa omugaka arachini
ekimirwa
Son, you spoke as a true son of the soil not as an adopted/illegitimate son.
The term Kimirwa is borrowed from Dholuo meaning an illegitimate son with no blood relation to
the family. The lexeme has been used in the above song to symbolise an outcast who should not
be involved in the family’s affairs for he may grab blessings away from the legitimate sons. The
song condemns any child out of wedlock in a family hence the need for faithfulness in a family.
Symbolism is used in this folksong to portray cultural attitudes towards legitimacy and familial
belonging in the Abasuba community. This linguistic adaptation reinforces social norms and
underscores the importance of cultural fidelity within the community.
15
Linguistic Borrowing and Cultural Significance
University of Bayreuth African Studies Working Papers (LI)
6.2.5 Imagery
Worth noting among the Abasubais the perpetuation of a patriarchal ideology. Several songs in
Olusuba have worked towards empowering men at the expense of women, for instance, the
treatment of a married woman as a stranger in her natal home. The empowerment has been
enacted using Olusuba lexemes; some of which are borrowed from Dholuo. The meaningfulness
of the borrowed lexemes is enhanced by socio-cultural practices which the Abasuba have adapted
from Dholuo. Song 8 demonstrates this argument.
Example Song 8: A dirge sung during the loss of a beloved parent
Ndagiangieyi wasamira nyakwithua kuri
I wail all over because mum has gone
Eeeeeeee omigogo oanea kuri
Eeeeeeee daughter of the soil has gone
The dirge above is composed of a borrowed lexeme omigogo. The loanword is a derivative of the
Dholuo term migogo referring to a married girl. In this song, there is a mourning of the late
omigogo interchangeably used with the term nyakwithu meaning mum. The term omigogo has
figuratively been used in this song to refer to a married girl who has culturally no rights in her
father’s home – an image of a powerless woman in the paternal home. The term underlyingly
means that a married woman does not belong to her father’s home anymore. Therefore, she needs
to concentrate on her husband for the good keeping of the family. The use of the figurative term
underscores patriarchal ideologies within the Abasuba community. This linguistic adaptation
reflects cultural attitudes towards gender roles and familial relationships, contributing to the
expressive power of Olusuba folksongs.
Research Question 2: What impact does the integration of figures of speech borrowed from the
Dholuo language into Olusuba folksongs have on the preservation and evolution of cultural identity
among the Abasuba people, particularly in terms of communicating traditional knowledge, social
values, and beliefs through linguistic borrowing? And how does this reflect broader patterns of
language contact and cultural exchange in multicultural societies?
6.3 Preservation and development of cultural identity
Overall, incorporating Dholuo-derived FOS into Olusuba folksongs is critical for preserving and
evolving the Abasuba people's cultural identity. Abasuba folk performers broaden their cultural
repertoire while reaffirming their particular cultural legacy by incorporating language resources
from neighbouring groups. Abasuba communities negotiate their cultural identity within larger
linguistic and cultural contacts by adapting and integrating borrowed linguistic features. This
process exemplifies the complex dynamics of language contact and cultural exchange in
multicultural societies, where linguistic communities' boundaries are constantly negotiated and
16
redefined. This negotiation of cultural identity through linguistic borrowing resonates with
Fishman's (1991) concept of "domain loss" and "language shift," wherein communities adapt to
external influences while seeking to preserve core aspects of their cultural identity.
6.4 Communicating traditional knowledge, social values, and beliefs
The inclusion of Dholuo-derived FOS acts as a conduit for the transmission of traditional
knowledge, social values, and beliefs among Abasuba groups. For example, Song 3's use of
synecdoche and metaphors effectively conveys valuable traditional information about healing
procedures and ancestral beliefs. Olusuba folksongs preserve and propagate cultural traditions
related to medicinal rites and ancestral worship through borrowing terms from Dholuo such as
omugenga and amanyasi. Similarly, the symbolic use of terms such as Kimirwa in Song 7
represents Abasuba society's ideas of legitimacy and familial belonging. This reflects the function
of folk traditions in orally transmitting cultural knowledge and heritage, as highlighted by Hymes
(1981), contributing to the maintenance of cultural continuity and identity among the Abasuba
people.
6.5 Reflection on broader patterns of language contact and cultural exchange
The incorporation of Dholuo-derived FOS into Olusuba folksongs mirrors broader patterns of
language interaction and cultural interchange in heterogeneous cultures. Cultural borrowing, as
demonstrated by the linguistic adaptations and nativisation in the instances offered, is a dynamic
process influenced by historical, social, and economic factors. Furthermore, the common themes
and motifs found in Olusuba folksongs, such as nature-themed songs and socioeconomic activities,
highlight the interconnectedness between different linguistic and cultural communities. Through
the borrowing and adaptation of FOS from Dholuo, Abasuba folk artists enrich their cultural
repertoire while reaffirming their distinct cultural heritage, as discussed by Pavlik, Stefanski, and
Perea (2018). This emphasises the fluidity of cultural boundaries and the permeable nature of
linguistic interchange in multicultural situations.
Notably, as evidenced in the findings, the Olusuba-Dholuo contact has led to lexical changes in
Olusuba characterised by borrowing words from Dholuo. The loanwords are morphologically and
phonologically nativised to fit within the morphophonological structure of Olusuba. Some of the
loanwords, as shown in the Olusuba folksongs have hidden ideological meanings reinforced by
Abasuba beliefs and cultural practices borrowed from the Luo. These loanwords are literary used
in Olusuba songs to convey traditional knowledge that is helpful for mutual coexistence between
the Abasuba and the Luo. This works against the argument that language contact is a threat to the
survival of the language of the minority. This is explained by a hypothesis that in the situation of
language contact, it is the language of the minority that always borrows linguistic items such as
words from the donor language. The borrowing leads to either extreme language mixture or a
language death (Sankoff 2001; Sarah 2001).
The conceptualisation of the images marked by loanwords in the Olusuba folksongs is derived
from cultural practices borrowed from the Luo. This works within the Semiotic principle of
17
Linguistic Borrowing and Cultural Significance
University of Bayreuth African Studies Working Papers (LI)
connotation (Barthes 1967). According to the principle of connotation, meaning created by the
signifier plus the signified is more than just a system of random naming or nomenclature; it is
subject to the layering of meaning according to people’s culture. Based on Barthes’ principle, we
can argue that the meaningfulness of borrowed images in Olusuba folksongs has been reinforced
through the mutual cultural ideologies of the Abasuba and the Luo. These ideologies culminate
from the perception of the Abasuba on the images and their referents. Therefore, the ability of the
Olusuba speakers to use and decode the images is based on the Abasuba’ competence with the
lexemes marking the images and the culture of the Luo from which the lexemes are borrowed. It
is this competence with the culture of the Luo that enhances the performativeness of the lexemes
in Olusuba songs. Signification is also associated with social features that link the Abasuba to the
Luo and the interest of the Abasuba in the Luo economic activities. From this link and interest, a
consensus is reached on a framework within which the borrowed lexemes, which are figurative,
work. Beyond the set conventional framework, the borrowed lexemes are unlikely to work,
consequently rendering them nonsensical words.
The study aligns with earlier studies by Sanchez et al. (2019), Moyna and Loureiro-Rodríguez
(2022), Perangin-Angin (2020), Sonkamble (2020), and Verschik (2021) in emphasising the
socio-pragmatic consequences of linguistic contact. These researchers have looked at how
language interaction results in sociolinguistic adaptation and semantic evolution, especially in the
context of songs, which frequently contain FOS. Linguistic borrowing facilitates cultural
interchange in Olusuba-Dholuo interaction, enhancing both languages and aiding in the
dissemination of customs and social values (Mhando 2008; Sonkamble 2020). The ecological
context of language borrowing emphasises how the meanings of FOS in Olusuba folksongs are
influenced by the Abasuba community's natural surroundings. This is consistent with the tenets
of ecolinguistics, which highlight the interaction of language and surroundings (Ayushi and
Amitash 2023). In addition to enhancing the cultural repertory, the incorporation of FOS from
Dholuo into Olusuba songs acts as a phenological record of historical ecological shifts (Liu et al.
2021).
18
7 Conclusion
As established in this study, language is a union of signs whose significations are based on the
speakers’ competence with these signs and the culture of the community in which the signs are
used. According to the concept of language contact, some of these signs happen to be exchanged
and when the exchange happens, their meanings are retained in the recipient language. Meaning
realisation by signs is sometimes controlled by the perception of the speakers of the recipient
language on the link between the signs and their referents. It is based on this process of
signification that FOS, with Dholuo-related images in Olusuba songs, form their meanings. To sum
up, this study highlights the significant influence of incorporating figures of speech (FOS) from the
Dholuo language into Olusuba folksongs, illuminating their expressive potential, cultural
relevance, and contribution to both the preservation and growth of Abasuba cultural identity. It is
evident from content and linguistic research that the integration of Dholuo-derived FOS into
Olusuba folksongs enables them to function as repositories for shared experiences, beliefs, and
traditions. The first research question delved into how Dholuo-derived FOS contributes to the
expressive power and cultural significance of Olusuba folksongs, particularly in conveying themes
related to nature and socio-economic activities. The results showed that Olusuba folksongs
effectively include FOS, such as figurative terms, hyperbole, ambiguity, synecdoche, metaphors,
and symbolism, enhancing their expressive power and maintaining cultural practices. These
linguistic adaptations represent larger patterns of language contact and cross-cultural exchange
in multicultural communities in addition to facilitating the transfer of traditional information,
social values, and beliefs. Furthermore, the study investigated the influence of incorporating
Dholuo-derived FOS on the preservation and development of cultural identity among the Abasuba
people. It was discovered that the incorporation of these FOS serves as a channel for the
transmission of traditional information, social values, and beliefs while also sustaining Abasuba's
cultural identity. Abasuba folk artists broaden their cultural repertoire and reaffirm their cultural
heritage by adapting through linguistic and cultural contact. Overall, this study advances our
comprehension of the complex dynamics of linguistic contact and cultural exchange by showing
Abasuba culture's adaptability and resilience in the face of external influences. By investigating
the socio-pragmatic consequences of linguistic contact as well as the ecological context of
language borrowing, this study emphasises the interconnectedness of language, culture, and
environment, providing valuable insights into the dynamics of cultural evolution and continuity
in multicultural societies.
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Linguistic Borrowing and Cultural Significance
University of Bayreuth African Studies Working Papers (LI)
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Linguistic Borrowing and Cultural Significance
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2005
1
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