-
Full text
-
50
University of Bayreuth
African Studies
WORKING PAPERS
TURKISH ISLAMIC ACTORS IN AFRICA
THE CASE STUDY OF HAYRAT VAKFI IN NIGER
Abdoulaye, Ibrahim Bachir, 2024
works! 19
University of Bayreuth African Studies Working Papers (L)
50
University of Bayreuth
African Studies
WORKING PAPERS
TURKISH ISLAMIC ACTORS IN
AFRICA
THE CASE STUDY OF HAYRAT VAKFI IN NIGER
CC-BY 4.0
Ibrahim Bachir Abdoulaye, 2024
TURKISH ISLAMIC ACTORS IN AFRICA ii
University of Bayreuth African Studies Working Papers (L)
Institute of African Studies (IAS)
The University of Bayreuth African Studies Working Papers are published by the Institute of African
Studies (IAS) in Bayreuth, Germany.
The IAS promotes African Studies at the University of Bayreuth by supporting scholars from a
wide range of academic disciplines from almost all faculties. It facilitates cooperation between
researchers and institutions engaged in Africa-related projects, as well as teaching, both on
campus and around the world. The IAS consists of three central bodies: the Iwalewahaus, the
Africa Multiple Cluster of Excellence, and the Africa Research Center (Forschungszentrum Afrika),
which is currently under construction.
The Working Papers give scholars the space to present empirical studies, theoretical reflections,
and report preliminary findings, ongoing projects, and current research. The Working Papers
usually reflect works-in-progress and invite discussion and feedback.
Submitted papers are subject to internal review at the University of Bayreuth. Contributions may
be submitted to the editor-in-chief: Dr. Malick Faye (IAS@uni-bayreuth.de)
The University of Bayreuth African Studies Working Papers feature on the EPub document server
at the university library:
2005 - 2018
https://epub.uni-bayreuth.de/view/series/Bayreuth_African_Studies_Working_Papers.html
2018 - ongoing
https://epub.uni-
bayreuth.de/view/series/University_of_Bayreuth_African_Studies_Working_Papers.html
Institute of African Studies
Director: Prof. Dr. Gabriele Sommer
Vice-Director: Prof. Dr. Stefan Ouma
University of Bayreuth
Wölfelstr. 2
D-95440 Bayreuth
Phone: +49 (0)921 554511
Fax: +49 (0)921 554502
www.ias.uni-bayreuth.de
IAS@uni-bayreuth.de
iii
TURKISH ISLAMIC ACTORS IN AFRICA
University of Bayreuth African Studies Working Papers (L)
BIGSASworks!
The Bayreuth International Graduate School of African Studies (BIGSAS) was founded in 2007 and
is part of the Africa Multiple Cluster of Excellence since 2019. It is funded by the German Research
Foundation in the framework of the Excellence Strategy of the German Federal and State
Governments. In the focus of this unique structure of multi- and interdisciplinary, creative and
innovative training are around 90 doctoral candidates, the Junior Fellows, from more than 25
African, American, Asian and European countries.
BIGSASworks! is part of the University of Bayreuth African Studies Working Papers and highlights
the academic contributions of BIGSAS doctoral candidates. The working papers provide the
opportunity to pre-publish research following internal peer advice. BIGSASworks! working
papers are edited by BIGSAS Junior Fellows with the support of BIGSAS and the Institute of African
Studies.
BIGSASworks! Series Editors
Usman Ahmad
Monika Christine Rohmer
Bayreuth International Graduate School of African Studies
Dean: Prof. Dr. Susanne Mühleisen
Deputy Head: Prof. Dr Alexander Stroh-Steckelberg
University of Bayreuth
Geschwister-Scholl-Platz 3
D - 95440 Bayreuth
Phone: +49 (0)921 55 5101
www.bigsas.uni-bayreuth.de
bigsas@uni-bayreuth.de
TURKISH ISLAMIC ACTORS IN AFRICA iv
University of Bayreuth African Studies Working Papers (L)
About the author
Ibrahim Bachir Abdoulaye is a PhD Candidate at the Bayreuth International Graduate School of
African Studies (BIGSAS) and Research Associate within the "Religious Engineering: The making
of moralities, development and religion in Niger" project at the "Africa Multiple" Cluster of
Excellence.
v
TURKISH ISLAMIC ACTORS IN AFRICA
University of Bayreuth African Studies Working Papers (L)
Abstract
In the last two decades, Turkish Islamic movements have extended their influence to Niger, a
predominantly Muslim state. Diverse Turkish Islamic movements, such as the Nur Cemaati,
Süleymancı Cemaati, and Erenköy Cemaati, are actively engaging in Islamic education through
Qur'anic schools and education centers in Niger. This paper, specifically, delves into the activities
of the Hayrat Vakfi (Hayrat Foundation), a branch of the Nur Cemaati (Nur movement). The
central thesis of this paper asserts that the presence of Turkish Islamic actors has initiated a
"silent transformation" within Niger's Islamic landscape. To comprehend this phenomenon, the
paper addresses three key inquiries: (a) The internal socio-political and economic dynamics of
Turkey that drove Turkish Islamic movements toward internationalization, (b) The expansion
strategies employed by Hayrat Vakfi for the dissemination of its Islamic teachings, and (c) The
implications of its presence in the transformation of Niger's Islamic landscape. Methodologically,
this research employs a single case study approach with ethnographic and historical analysis.
Existing scholarship on Turkish actors in Africa has predominantly focused on topics such as
humanitarian aid, trade, and diplomacy. Therefore, this study aims to expand the scope of
scholarly exploration to encompass other dimensions of Turkish presence in the African
continent.
Keywords: Islam, Niger, Hayrat Vakfi, Nur movement, Turkey
TURKISH ISLAMIC ACTORS IN AFRICA vi
University of Bayreuth African Studies Working Papers (L)
Résumé
Au cours des deux dernières décennies, les mouvements Islamiques turcs ont étendu leur
influence au Niger, un pays majoritairement musulman. Divers mouvements Islamiques turcs, tels
que les Nur Cemaati, Süleymanci Cemaati et Erenköy Cemaati, s'engagent activement dans
l'éducation Islamique par le biais d'écoles coraniques et de centres d'éducation au Niger. Cet
article se penche plus particulièrement sur les activités de la Hayrat Vakfi (Fondation Hayrat), une
branche du mouvement Nur (Nur Cemaati). La thèse centrale de cet article affirme que la présence
d'acteurs Islamiques turcs a initié une « transformation silencieuse » dans le paysage Islamique
du Niger. Pour comprendre ce phénomène, l'article aborde trois questions clés : (a) les
dynamiques sociopolitiques et économiques internes de la Turquie qui ont poussé les
mouvements Islamiques turcs à s'internationaliser, (b) les stratégies d'expansion employées par
Hayrat Vakfi pour la diffusion de ses enseignements islamiques, et (c) les implications de sa
présence dans la transformation du paysage Islamique nigérien. D'un point de vue
méthodologique, cette recherche utilise une approche d'étude de cas unique avec une analyse
ethnographique et historique. Les études existantes sur les acteurs turcs en Afrique se sont
principalement concentrées sur des sujets tels que l'aide humanitaire, le commerce et la
diplomatie. Par conséquent, cette étude vise à élargir le champ de l'exploration scientifique pour
englober d'autres dimensions de la présence turque sur le continent africain.
Mots-clés: Islam, Niger, Hayrat Vakfi, Mouvement Nur, Turquie
vii
TURKISH ISLAMIC ACTORS IN AFRICA
University of Bayreuth African Studies Working Papers (L)
Acknowledgements
This article is the outcome of research conducted within the Africa Multiple Cluster of Excellence
at the University of Bayreuth, funded by the Deutsche Forschungsgemeinschaft (DFG, German
Research Foundation) under Germany ́s Excellence Strategy – EXC 2052/1 – 390713894.
TURKISH ISLAMIC ACTORS IN AFRICA viii
University of Bayreuth African Studies Working Papers (L)
CONTENTS
Institute of African Studies (IAS)
ii
BIGSASworks!
iii
About the author
iv
Abstract
v
Résumé
vi
Acknowledgements
vii
1 Introduction
1
2 The Trajectories of Islamic Movements in Turkey: From Confrontation to Alliance
3
3 A Silent Transformation in the Islamic Sphere in Niger
5
4 Case Study: Spreading Risale-i Nur in Niger
6
4.1 Hayrat Vakfi
6
4.2 The Struggle of the Nur Movement in Niger
8
5 Conclusion
12
6 References
14
7 10 Latest UBT African studies working papers
17
University of Bayreuth African Studies Working Papers (L)
TURKISH ISLAMIC ACTORS IN
AFRICA
THE CASE STUDY OF HAYRAT VAKFI IN NIGER
Abdoulaye, Ibrahim Bachir, 2024
1 Introduction
This paper seeks to provide a nuanced understanding of one of the Turkish Islamic movements
active on the African continent. The paper provides a better understanding of the growing
presence of Turkish Islamic actors in Africa beyond humanitarian interventions. The main
objective of this study is to analyse the involvement of Turkish Islamic actors in education sector
in Niger. The article analyses a specific case of Hayrat Vakfi which is active in the education field
through its education center in Niamey. Hayrat Vakfi (Hayrat Foundation) is part of the Nur
Cemaati (Nur movement), which is composed of several independent groups. One of the biggest
groups of the Nur Cemaati is called Yazıcılar (writers)1. The group has officially operated under
the name Hayrat Vakfi since the 1980s. Hayrat Vakfi is financed by the group's members and
sympathizers, and carries out its activities inside and outside Turkey in accordance with its
objectives and religious orientations. In this paper I use the name Hayrat Vakfi instead of Yazıcılar,
to avoid confusing the readers.
1 The group is called Yazıcılar, which means writers in Turkish, due to its attachment to the original Risale-i Nur texts
in Ottoman Turkish. The group opposed the translation and dissemination of the Risale-i Nur into modern Turkish, i.e.
in the Latin alphabet, after the death of Said Nursi, the author of the Risale-i Nur Collection. The group is known for its
promotion of and attachment to the Ottoman language, which is one of the focal points of Hayrat Vakfi's educational
activities in Turkey.
TURKISH ISLAMIC ACTORS IN AFRICA 2
University of Bayreuth African Studies Working Papers (L)
This paper is organized into five sections. The first section provides a historical background. The
second section articulates the state-Islamic movements relations. The third section examines the
transformation of the Islamic sphere in Niger. The fourth section is the case study of operations
of the Turkish regious actors in Niger. The last section is the conclusion.
To understand the presence of Turkish Islamic actors in Africa, it is necessary to have a thorough
comprehension, not only of their practices, ideologies and historical background, but also of the
national and international dynamics and context from which they have emerged. In recent years,
several researches have been published on Turkish presence in Africa in general and Turkish
humanitarian activities actions in particular (Tepeciklioğlu, 2021; Akgun & Ozkan, 2020; Bayar &
Arpa, 2020; Binaté, 2019; Aras & Mohammed, 2019; Donelli, 2018, 2017; Langan, 2017; Angey-
Sentuc & Molho, 2015; Siradag, 2015; Angey, 2014; Rudincová, 2014; Wheeler, 2011). Beyond
humanitarianism, however, there are other activities of Turkish Islamic organizations which need
attention (Angey, 2015; Guner, 2021). This attention is necessary partly because some of these
actors have a long history dating back to the early days of the Turkish republic or even the
Ottoman
Era while much of the research focuses on the AKP (Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi – Justice and
Development Party) era. These studies do not allow for a thorough understanding of the
mentioned actors’ presence in Africa, a presence that is likely to go beyond Turkish foreign policy
under the AKP era. Rather, they give more credence to the AKP's foreign policy and reduce these
actors to the government's soft power, without paying much attention to their practices on the
ground and their own agendas. To gain a comprehensive understanding of the role of Islamic
actors in Turkish foreign policy and their relationships with the Turkish state, it is crucial to adopt
a broader historical perspective. This perspective should encompass the evolving dynamics
between the Turkish state, religious institutions, and government interactions with Islamic actors,
both within Turkey and on the international stage. Such an approach not only sheds light on the
current involvement of Islamic actors in Turkish foreign policy but also illuminates their domestic
and international agendas. Undoubtedly, there is a relationship between Turkish foreign policy
under the AKP and the expansion of Turkish Islamic movements in Africa. The fact that NGOs and
foundations linked to these movements cooperate with governmental organisations abroad in
many projects demonstrates this relationship. But it does not necessarily mean that they all share
the same agenda or the same objectives. The links between the Turkish state and these
movements abroad may vary for each movement, depending on their respective relationships in
the domestic context. In other words, it is the relationship at a national level that determines the
relationship between the state and Islamic movements at an international level.
The presence of Turkish Islamic actors in Niger has a recent history. Literature on the history of
Turkish presence in the country is still lacking. According to information gathered during my
fieldwork in Turkey and Niger, 2 these actors arrived in Niger in the early 2000s. It is reported that
2 I have conducted fieldwork for a period of 4 months in Turkey (Istanbul, Ankara and Bursa) and Niger (Niamey, Dosso,
Tillabery and Agadez) from April to July 2021.
3
TURKISH ISLAMIC ACTORS IN AFRICA
University of Bayreuth African Studies Working Papers (L)
the Gülen movement3 and the Süleymancı Cemaati4 were among the first to settle in Niamey with
the opening of their schools around 2005. Since the opening of the Turkish diplomatic mission in
Niger, followed by the official visit of President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, Prime Minister at the time,
in 2013, relations between the two countries have intensified. Today, several small and large
Turkish companies are actively present in Niger in several fields like construction, agriculture,
industry, restaurants, import-export, and so on. In the humanitarian field, several Turkish NGOs
have opened local branches in Niger, while others are periodically active in the country. In the
field of education, the Turkish government and Turkish NGOs have been offering scholarships to
Nigerien students for nearly 15 years. Today, a good number of Nigeriens who have graduated
from Turkey or who have learned the language work as interpreters, administrators and so on in
Turkish companies and organisations active in Niger like Summa company, Maarif Foundation
and so on. Some Turkish actors focus more on education. For example, the Turkish government,
through its Maarif Foundation, has schools in Niamey from primary to secondary level. Aziz
Mahmud Hudayi Vakfi, affiliated with Erenköy Cemaati, has also opened a school, and Hayrat Vakfi
and Süleymanci Cemaati have education centers. They all contribute in spreading the Turkish
language even if they do not work in coordination on the ground.
2 The Trajectories of Islamic Movements in Turkey: From Confrontation
to Alliance
Transitioning from a conflictual to a collaborative relationship with the state, Turkish Islamic
movements have gained influence at a national level which has helped their international
expansion. Historically, the relationship between Islamic movements and the state goes back to
the early era of the republic, when the father of the republic, Mustafa Kemal Atatürk, adopted a
secular policy that banned religious activities or put them under the control of the state. The
secular policy of the early republic era created frustration and resistance among Islamic actors.
This situation changed with the arrival of the Demokrat Parti (Democrat Party [DP]) to power in
1950 after the first democratic elections. DP allowed Islamic movements to become visible and
operate legally. It was during this time that Islamists also became involved in politics in Turkey
for the first time (Rabasa & Larrabee, 2008).
But this process of opening up was interrupted by the 1960 coup d'état, which led to a crackdown.
During this period, further restrictions were imposed in the Islamic sphere. For example, only
graduates of official Imam Hatip high schools and theology (ilahiyat) faculties of state universities
could be employed in the Directorate of Religious Affairs (Diyanet), a measure that fractured some
of the Islamic movements that had been filling this void since the DP had come to power. After the
3 The Gülen movement is an Islamic network that became internationalized after the 1990s with the support of the
Turkish state. Founded by Fethullah Gülen in the late 1960s, the movement had numerous schools around the world,
including in African countries such as Niger. After being accused of being behind the attempted coup in Turkey in 2016,
the movement was declared a terrorist organization by the Turkish state.
4 The Süleymancı Cemaati takes its name from its founder, Süleyman Hilmi Tunahan (1888-1959). It focuses on
spreading its founder's teachings throughout the world. It is active in Europe among the Turkish diaspora, and has
classical Islamic schools, notably in Central Asia and Africa.
TURKISH ISLAMIC ACTORS IN AFRICA 4
University of Bayreuth African Studies Working Papers (L)
army's intervention in 1971, all Quranic schools opened by such Islamic movements were
transferred to the Diyanet (Çakır, 2017).
In the midst of a political crisis and a period of violence arising from the ideological conflict
between socialists, leftists, Islamists, ultranationalists, and so on, the army intervened again in
1980. The military regime installed after the coup d'état introduced several reforms, especially in
the relations between the state and religion and between the state and Islamic movements. The
Turkish-Islamic synthesis – Türk-İslam Sentezi5 – (Oprea, 2014) was adopted by the military junta
as a policy of the state toward religion. This shift in state policy towards religion can be
interpreted as an effort by the state to reform its Kemalist ideology. But some measures like the
Kamuda Kılık Kıyafet Yönetmeliği (Public Dress Code Regulation) taken by the military regime,
banning the wearing of headscarves (başörtü) in public administrations, which aroused great
anger and a feeling of marginalisation and injustice in conservative people.
From 1960 to 1983, the relationship between Islamic movements and the state could be
considered as a conflictual one because of the restrictions imposed on these movements and the
different kinds of repression they faced. The situation changed when Turgut Özal won the
elections organised by the military regime in 1983. Özal had an open policy regarding Islamic
movements and adopted a liberal approach that helped them gain public visibility and economic
power. They became involved in civil society, education, media and business sectors. With the
support of the policy makers, some movements started expanding their influence abroad. The
Gülen movement is one of these movements that took advantage of this support to expand its
movement beyond Turkey’s borders (Angey-Sentuc, 2015).
But it was with the arrival of the AKP (Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi – Justice and Development Party)
to power in 2002 that a golden age opened up for the Islamic movements, which gained more
influence in the country and expanded their networks abroad. The AKP offers political protection
and economic opportunities to these Islamic movements in exchange for public and electoral
support. This policy of the AKP, which has a globalist vision, described as neo-Ottoman, intends to
repair the errors of the past by putting an end to prohibitions such as the wearing of headscarves,
and by supporting and opening up the public space to Islamic movements. Because the state is no
longer the main adversary, the Islamic movements are looking outward to extend their reach into
other Muslim societies. At the same time, the Turkish state, which is looking for new markets for
its emerging companies, sees these movements as an efficient and less costly way to support its
policy of opening up its economy to the so-called "third world" and to extend Turkey's political
and cultural influence in the long term.
Today, much of Turkey's humanitarian aid comes from NGOs and foundations affiliated with the
Islamic movements that dominate this sector in Turkey. These movements follow their own
agendas which do not necessarily align with the state's foreign policy. But there is no doubt about
their contribution directly or indirectly to the expansion of Turkey's influence. Often, the state
tries to keep these Islamic movements under control, and this can sometimes create conflict of
5 Turkish-Islamic synthesis is a mixture of Sunni Islam and Turkish nationalism I would rather describe it as a political
programme or doctrine, claiming that there is a close connection between Turkish national identity and Islam.
5
TURKISH ISLAMIC ACTORS IN AFRICA
University of Bayreuth African Studies Working Papers (L)
interest between the two. The Islamic movements also use their strength to influence the state in
their favor through political arrangements and lobbying or by infiltrating state institutions
(placing their disciples or sympathisers in key positions to favour them or protect their interests).
This creates a kind of competition between the movements themselves in the race to influence the
state. The conflict between the Gülen movement and the Turkish state illustrated the nature of the
relationship that the state has with Islamic movements. The Gülen movement, which had enjoyed
the support of the AKP, was declared a terrorist group by the latter after being accused of being
responsible for the 2016 coup attempt. The state closed or recovered 35 private hospitals, 109
student residences, 104 foundations, 1125 associations, 15 private universities and 19 trade
unions affiliated with the Gülen movement (Karacaoğlu & Saydam, 2016). The Turkish
government is still trying to reclaim the schools affiliated with the movement in several countries
through its Maarif Foundation (Angey, 2018). This situation, which has significantly weakened the
Gülen movement, has created new opportunities for some Islamic movements that are rushing to
fill the void left by the Gülen movement.
In sum, the opening of Islamic movements to the world marks, in a way, the end of the internal
ideological conflict between the profoundly secular state and Islamic movements. Furthermore,
the support of the former Prime Ministers Adnan Menderes, Turgut Özal and Necmettin Erbakan,
and current President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan for Islamic movements has contributed greatly to
the transformation of state-Islamic movements relations. It was under the rule of these leaders
that Islamic movements gained the political, economic, and social strength that pushed them
toward globalist ambitions. Since then, Islamic movements have gradually become allies of the
state, especially in foreign policy. Leaving aside their expansion into the Turkish diaspora in
Europe, which began in the late 1960s, the transformation of Turkish Islamic movements from
local to international movements began in the early 1990s, just after the end of the Soviet Union.
They first focused on the new Turkish republics of Central Asia and the Balkans with the support
of the state. In the 2000s, they began to focus on Africa, this time also with state support.
3 A Silent Transformation in the Islamic Sphere in Niger
In Niger the Qadiriyya dominated the Islamic sphere before the Tijaniyyah took over at the end of
the 19th century. But the particularity of these two Sufi orders is that they are all of Malikite
obedience (madhhab). This facilitated cohabitation and avoided any fundamental theological
confrontation. From the 1990s, the Salafi-Wahhabi trend (locally called Izala) began to challenge
the Sufi orders’ authority that had been dominant until then. Despite the heated debates and some
social unrest that the arrival of Salafism initially caused, it is now an integral part of the Nigerien
society (Sounaye, 2016). Nonetheless, the theological struggle is still going on between the Sufi
orders and the Salafi movements through preaching in public spaces, mosques and media such as
radio and television. This suggests that the establishment of Turkish Islamic actors, rooted in the
Sufi tradition, in Niger will probably face criticism from Salafist movements. But for now, Turkish
actors involved in Islamic education have not yet attracted attention or criticism, neither they are
a subject of discussion in the public space.
Various Turkish Islamic movements present in Niger in the field of Islamic education invest
financial and human resources to teach an ''Islam'' (here, I mean different religious practices and
different madhab and aqida) that is relatively new to Nigerien society in terms of certain practices
TURKISH ISLAMIC ACTORS IN AFRICA 6
University of Bayreuth African Studies Working Papers (L)
as well as madhhab and aqida. Today, despite the rise of the salafist movement, Nigerien society
is still strongly rooted in the Tijaniyyah and Qadiriyya traditions based on the Maliki madhhab
and Ash’ari school. The Islamic doctrines of these Turkish Islamic movements (mostly affiliated
or influenced by Nakshbandiyya), which are of Hanafi obedience and Maturidi school are little
known in Nigerien society. Although they focus more on Islamic education, these actors are seen
by many Nigeriens as humanitarian NGOs because of their humanitarian activities during
Tabaski/Kurbani (Eid al-Adha/Feast of Sacrifice) or Ramadan. Also, due to the growing number
of Turkish NGOs, people don't make a distinction and simply identify them as Turkish
humanitarian NGOs. These factors camouflage the focus on Islamic education by many of these
actors. This is what has sparked the focus of this work, which attempts to understand and analyse
the religious-educational activities of some of these actors.
In this article, I argue that a "silent transformation" is taking place in the Nigerien Islamic domain
with the introduction of new Islamic interpretations and doctrines through various forms of
Islamic education applied by Turkish Islamic actors. I call it a "silent transformation" because of
its discrete and non-confrontational character, avoiding any confrontation, and also because it has
not yet provoked much reaction from the nigerien society. This silent transformation is a form of
"religious engineering" (Spies & Schrode, 2020). In this perspective, Turkish Islamic actors are
"religious engineers" who intend to transform Nigerien society through their religious-
educational projects, which they believe are beneficial for a positive transformation of a society.
In the following paragraphs, I discuss what is the possible impact of Turkish Islamic movements
in Niger from a social transformation perspective? What methods and strategies do these
movements adopt to spread their Islamic teaching? How do Turkish Islamic movements attempt
to shape the Islamic field in Niger?
To answer these questions, I have taken a historical and contextual approach, drawing on
empirical data collected during my fieldwork in Niger and Turkey from April to July 2021.
Accessing and identifying individuals affiliated with Hayrat Vakfi in Niger was challenging for me
for various reasons. One reason is that Hayrat Vakfi is still not well-known in Niger because it is
composed of a small circle of friends and acquaintances who do not identify themselves publically
as members of Hayrat Vakfi or the Nur movement. But I had the opportunity to conduct an
interview with a former local representative of the movement in Niger. In addition to this
interview, I also drew on my own observations during my stay in Niger and Turkey for fieldwork
in 2021.
4 Case Study: Spreading Risale-i Nur in Niger
4.1 Hayrat Vakfi
As I mentioned earlier in this article, I focus on Hayrat Vakfi which is one of the biggest groups of
the Nur movement. There are three reasons for this choice: The first reason is that Hayrat Vakfi is
one of the most active and well-established Turkish Islamic movements in Africa. The second
reason is Hayrat Vakfı's involvement in educational activities that aim to spread the Risale-i Nur
7
TURKISH ISLAMIC ACTORS IN AFRICA
University of Bayreuth African Studies Working Papers (L)
Collection6 in Africa. The third reason is the group's proximity to the AKP government, which
illustrates the relationship between the state and Islamic actors in Turkey today. Hayrat Vakfi
officially supports the AKP during elections in Turkey. In the last elections in 2019, Hayrat Vakfi
published an announcement on its official website calling all the ''Risale-i Nur Talebeleri''
(“students of Risale-i Nur”) to vote for AKP and its coalition.7 Hayrat Vakfi benefits from
government support, especially in the field of education. For example, a protocol agreement has
been signed between Hayrat Vakfi and the Turkish Ministry of Education for the teaching of the
Ottoman language (Osmanlıca) in public schools in Turkey.8
In the following, the focus is particularly on the educational activities of Hayrat Vakfi in Niger.
Hayrat Vakfi arrived in Niger around 2010 from Sudan, where the group was established in the
early 2000s. Their activities are centered on sohbet/ders9 in dershane (study centers) which are
places generally open to all categories of people of the same gender without any age consideration.
Yet, a strict and disciplined program is applied for the young students who live in the dershane.
This program aims at the intellectual, spiritual and moral training of the young people along with
their academic studies. It is hoped that these students become familiar with Nisale-i Nur Collection
and also learn about Said Nursi, the author of Risale-I Nur Collection as an example and model.
Hayrat Vakfi is not interested in establishing formal schools or large public training centers. Its
main goal is spread the Risale-i Nur Collection that they translated into many languagues.
Believing in the power of attraction and relevance of Risale-i Nur, for Hayrat Vakfi as well as other
groups, all a disciple or follower has to do is to invite people to read Risale-i Nur in a dershane or
at home or to share Risale-i Nur books with interested people. The disciples of the Nur movement
are involved in proselytizing through this method. Creating new friendships by inviting people for
dinner or tea are among the applied strategies to attract potential readers. Apart from the
associations that aim to facilitate the activities of the movement, there is no formal membership
system to become a disciple (Risale-i Nur Talebesi/Risale-i Nur student) of the movement. It is
sufficient to be a regular sohbet participant and to follow the spiritual guidelines of Risale-i Nur.
According to my investigation, there are a few dershane in Niger in the city of Niamey belonging
to the Nur movement groups. It is difficult to identify their number and the group to which they
are affiliated due to the nature of their activities. Their reading activities are generally kept private
from the public eye. The group of Hayrat Vakfi that I identified in Niamey is represented by a group
6 The Risale-i Nur collection consists of religious books written by Bediüzzaman Said Nursi (1877-1960), a Turkish
Islamic scholar and founder of the Nur movement.
7 “31 Mart Beka Seçiminde Ak Parti’yi Ve Cumhur İttifakini Destekliyoruz”. Available online:
https://hayratvakfi.org/31-mart-beka-seciminde-ak-partiyi-ve-cumhur-ittifakini-destekliyoruz/ (accessed on 05
November 2022).
8 “Genel Müdürlüğümüz ile Hayrat Vakfı Arasında Eğitimde İş Birliği Protokolü İmzalandı”. Available online:
https://ogm.meb.gov.tr/www/genel-mudurlugumuz-ile-hayrat-vakfi-arasinda-egitimde-is-birligi-protokolu-
imzalandi/icerik/693 (accessed on 5 November 2022).
9 Sohbet literally means conversation or discussion in the Turkish language. But traditionally, many Islamic groups in
Turkey use the term in the sense of preaching or reading meetings. The term ders, which means teaching, lesson, or
lecture, is also used as a synonym for sohbet.
TURKISH ISLAMIC ACTORS IN AFRICA 8
University of Bayreuth African Studies Working Papers (L)
of young Nigeriens who studied in Sudan where they frequented the movement during their
studies. One of them, who was trained in Turkey, returned to Niger to lead the first dershane
funded by Hayrat Vakfi. He selected a dozen students from middle school to high school who live
in the dershane to follow the Nur movement's model and teaching.
4.2 The Struggle of the Nur Movement in Niger
Ali10, a Nigerien young man, is the founding member of Al-Nur, a local NGO which works in
partnership with Hayrat Vakfi in Niger. Ali said that he first met Hayrat Vakfi around 2006 when
he was a student at the International University of Africa in Sudan. He got to know Turkish
students during his first year at the university. They invited him to their home several times but
their relationship strengthened when the Turkish Students' Association (supported by Hayrat
Vakfi) started supporting the activities of the African Students' Association. Ali explained that at
that time Turkey was not well-known but people had sympathy towards the country because of
its economic emergence which is seen as a model in the Muslim world. He said that at the
beginning he was a bit skeptical about the Hayrat Vakfi because he did not understand their
manhaj and aqida (doctrine and belief). It was after he had met some Sudanese people that he
already knew in Dershane, reading Risale-i Nur, that he became interested, too. That is how he
started to frequent the dershane regularly until they proposed that he stayed there with them. He
lived in the dershane for one year before going to Turkey for training on the recommendation of
the movement. Once in Turkey, Ali, who already had his master’s degree in Islamic studies,
intended to continue his doctorate studies but he changed his mind for private reasons to return
to Niger after less than a year of stay in Istanbul. During his stay, he had learned Turkish and the
Ottoman language and became familiar with the Risale-i Nur and the Nur movement’s system.
After returning to Niger, the members of Hayrat Vakfi invited him to collaborate with the
movement by organising Risale-i Nur reading activities. Before that, one of his friends, who also
did his studies in Sudan, had started organizing reading programs of Risale-i Nur in Niger, but he
gave up because of some problems he faced with the movement. The movement expected Ali to
resume these activities. Ali accepted, but under some conditions, without giving further details.
Ali told me that he explained to them his fears about the differences between the cultural and
Islamic practices and the reactions this might provoke among his fellow Nigeriens.
Ali used to send pictures of the reading activities he organised to the Hayrat Vakfi with whom he
accepted to collaborate and repesente. It was after the visit of one of the Hayarat Vakfi members
to Niger that the decision to open a dershane in Niamey was taken. Ali, who was appointed as the
head of the newly opened dershane, tried to apply the same system of dershane he had learnt in
Turkey. After Ali had set up the dershane, the movement sent a Turkish national, who had lived in
Sudan before, to supervise the dershane program in Niamey for more than a year before leaving
for another African country. Dozens of high school students are selected to live in this dershane
after their parents have signed a consent document that contains all the conditions and rules
applied in the dershane. Students are provided with free food and lodging, but they do not receive
any allowances, except for occasional assistance. Their parents pay their school fees.
10 The name has been changed for anonymity.
9
TURKISH ISLAMIC ACTORS IN AFRICA
University of Bayreuth African Studies Working Papers (L)
The students who live in the dershane get up early in the morning for the Fajir prayer, and right
after the prayer they make tasbih and azkar11 which takes about 30 minutes according to the
method of the Nur movement. During the day, the students are at school. When they come back,
they memorise the Quran and azkar after the Asr prayer. The collective reading of Risale-i Nur is
done between the Magrip and Isha prayers. The students start reviewing their school lessons only
after the Isha prayer. Ali explained that he encountered discipline problems among the students.
Some students who cannot handle the expected discipline leave the dershane, but this is not
common. Ali added that they have a small number of students who do not live in the dershane but
participate regularly in their program, nevertheless.
Ali has also gathered mostly young people who have studied in Sudan and have frequented or
already knew the Nur Movement from Sudan. They regularly organise sohbet/ders in the
dershane where they read and discuss the Risale-i Nur usually in the Arabic translation. They also
organise activities like conference of Risale-i Nur on the occasion of the death anniversary of
Bediüzzaman Said Nursi or the founder of the Hayrat Vakfi, Ahmet Husrev Altınbaşak, in some
private schools in Niamey. Husrev Altınbaşak is considered by his followers as the 'vekil'
(representative/replacant) of Said Nursi. But Ali specified that:
"We do not approach certain schools close to Salafism. They will never accept that we
organise this kind of event in their universities. They only accept Salafi people like
them. It is schools close to Sufi communities or Muslim brothers who are open to
everyone. They openly accept us.''
In 2017, Ali and his group of Risale-i Nur readers organised a conference in collaboration with
Elhadj Mahmoud Kaat International University in Niamey on the occasion of the anniversary of
the death of Said Nursi.12
After four years of activities, Ali decided to leave the movement. But he is still in charge of the NGO
Al-Nur which organises humanitarian activities usually twice a year, during the feast of
Tabaski/Kurban (Eid al-Adha/Feast of Sacrifice) and the month of Ramadan, both financed by
Hayrat Vakfi. Ali, who later got married and has children, said that he has more responsibilities
now, just as his other comrades. This is why they do not have time like before to follow the
program of the Nur movement as their partner Hayrat Vakfi would like. The dershane that Ali
opened is still active but he is not involved in dershane management anymore. Ali, who was
coordinating all the activities, entrusted the management of the dershane to one of his friends
with the agreement of the Hayrat Vakfi. According to Ali, however, the fact that his friend has not
been trained in Turkey and does not speak Turkish is a handicap that negatively affects the
smooth running of the dershane program.
11 Tasbih and azkar are spiritual practices (duas) that Muslim believers do after the prayer or at specific times.
12 “Hayrat Vakfı”. Available online: https://hayratvakfi.org/nijerde-bediuzzaman-sempozyumu/ (accessed on 15
November 2022).
TURKISH ISLAMIC ACTORS IN AFRICA 10
University of Bayreuth African Studies Working Papers (L)
Ali said that he always had some disagreements with the Nur movement because of the madhhab
and aqida (fiqh and itiqad) difference.13 But he said that he can tolerate that. He also explained
that he does not share the idea of reading only Risale-i Nur as the disciples of the Nur movement
do. For him, knowledge is vast and cannot be limited to the books of one scholar. But he still
admires Risale-i Nur in these words: "I was very impressed by Risale-i Nur. It is very informative,
very beautiful and very attractive. There is a lot of very beneficial knowledge. As far as ‘akida’ is
concerned, there was nothing contrary to our akida."
Ali explained his motivation to teach people Risale-i Nur in Niger: "If people learn Risale-i Nur,
their ideas and world view will change. Their social relationship, their knowledge will improve
and they will be more diligent." But he added that in spite of all these positive aspects, he still feels
that there are some aspects about the Nur movement he does not know yet, especially regarding
the idea of "keramet" (A person who performs miracles because of his closeness to God. “Keramet”
does actually not stand for a person, but is to be translated with "miracle") performed by Said
Nursi or the sanctity that Nur movement's followers attribute to Said Nursi and Risale-i Nur. Ali
explained that he had this impression when he was in Turkey but was never able to confirm it. He
emphasized that venerating too much Said Nursi conflicts with his own religious ideas.
Ali, who encountered difficulties at the beginning of his activities, mentioned that he faced
criticism from some local people who, according to him, did not understand his activities. For
example, he said: "Some people were suspious about us because they thought we had brought a
new 'akida' (belief) to Niger." He explained that:
The fact that we pray at home (in the dershane), people criticized us because we don't
go to the mosque. Some people have even accused us of belonging to certain groups
that are very misguided in society. We have closed our eyes because we are sure of
ourselves and we have nothing to blame ourselves for. We know what we are doing
and there is nothing contrary to Islam. Islam does not forbid praying in group at home.
Ali told me that he remembered one day during one of their conferences in a university, a
participant criticised them because of the picture of Said Nursi they used. The person accused
them by not giving value to local scholars like Sheikh Usman Dan Fodio14. Ali said that he reacted
by explaining that: ''For us it is the ideas that are important and not the people or their origins."
Adding to this answer, Ali explained: "I never had the feeling of being used in these activities. I
have tried to transmit the knowledge that I believe to be beneficial and relevant to my people.
Where it comes from and what people say about it doesn't matter to me.'' Insisting that he values
his freedom, Ali said he does not blindly follow the Nur movement and does not consider himself
a disciple of the latter because for him, it is necessary to keep his freedom.
13 Ali says that he knew from the beginning that they are Hanafi (a Sunni madhhab) but it is from his research that he
found out later that Nur movement is from Maturidiyya (a Sunni school of Islamic theology) which is different from
Ash’ari, a dominant Sunni school of Islamic theology in Niger.
14 Usman dan Fodio (1754-1817) was an Islamic scholar and the founder of the Sokoto Caliphate in West Africa which
spanned parts of present-day Burkina Faso, Niger, Nigeria and Cameroon.
11
TURKISH ISLAMIC ACTORS IN AFRICA
University of Bayreuth African Studies Working Papers (L)
I have always considered what I do as activities, nothing else. When I was a student, I
was passionate about organising activities. I was active in student associations at the
university. That's how I see these activities, too. For me the freedom to do what I want
is very important. Even here, in Niger, I have never been a disciple of Tijaniyyah or
Izala. I take their positive side and reject their negative side. Ali said.
Regarding the future of the Nur movement in Niger, Ali is not optimistic. Stressing that Hayrat
Vakfi wants to spread Risale-i Nur around the world, he believes that new Islamic movements do
not have much chance of taking root in Niger because young people are no longer interested in
Islamic partisanship. ''It is difficult for new Islamic movements to take root in Niger because the
times have changed. Already, people are moving away from tariqas and Islamic groups. That's why
I think the new Islamic movements are late in Niger" he added.
TURKISH ISLAMIC ACTORS IN AFRICA 12
University of Bayreuth African Studies Working Papers (L)
5 Conclusion
For several decades, the Nigerien Islamic field has known many new Islamic movements coming
from different horizons, mainly from Arab countries (such as the Salafi movement). In recent
years, Islamic movements from Turkey have also shown interest in Niger. Hayrat Vakfi is one of
these movements that opened an education centre to spread the Risale-i Nur Collection (its main
Islamic education books). Sudan, where Hayrat Vakfi has established itself, has been the gateway
to Africa from where it has expanded its network through African students coming from different
countries to study in Sudanese universities, especially the International University of Africa,
which hosts thousands of African students. Despite the fact that it enjoys the political support of
the Turkish ruling party, Hayrat Vakfi has its own agenda which is the basis of its creation. This
agenda is the expansion dissemination of Risale-i Nur which has been translated into several
languages such as Arabic, French and English. In Niger, the Risale-i Nur book series is read in
Arabic because the movement is led by Nigerien students who graduated in Sudan and whose first
language of study is Arabic. This has ensured that the movement always has an Arabic-speaking
audience. In this context, the mission that Hayrat Vakfi had given to Ali was to establish the
dershane system as it is practised in Turkey. The students of the colleges and high schools who
live in the dershane follow an Islamic training program according to the teachings of Nur
movement. These students are mostly from poor families and parents/guardians who want their
children to succeed in school for a better future. In a country where many people live on less than
a dollar a day, having this kind of support may attract many families to entrust their children to
Islamic movements without caring about their identity or the content of the Islamic training
taught to their children.
In the case of Ali's dershane, the parents sign a document giving their consent for their children
to stay in the dershane even though it is difficult for most of them to know about Hayrat Vakfi and
its Islamic orientations. But for most parents, it is enough to simply know that they are Muslims.
Furthermore, the fact that the dershane is managed by Nigeriens facilitates contact with parents.
Given all the initiatives taken by Hayrat Vakfi in Niger, it is clear that its long-term agenda is to
establish local branches of the movement led by local people. Since education is one of the means
of social transformation, the dershane system can be interpreted as a mechanism to contribute to
social change as a long-term process. In Niger, where plenty of Islamic movements and currents
are competing for ground, the arrival of the Nur movement adds to this competition, even if its
presence is very limited and does not yet attract the attention of the general public. But this does
not mean that the movement's efforts to establish itself are not worth considering. With this
movement, a silent transformation is taking place in the Nigerien Islamic sphere. By silent
transformation, I mean a process of transformation that does not attract much attention or public
debate. It is a process of any effort that consciously aims at the social transformation of a
community or society but using a softer approach by avoiding all kind of confrontation.
The introduction of Risale-i Nur in Niger, which is now regularly read by a group of young people
following the teaching method of the Nur Movement, marks a new process of religious engineering
(Spies & Schrode, 2020) in the country. Even if for the moment these young people do not identify
themselves as "Risale-i Nur Talebeleri" (students of the Risale-i Nur), the students of middle
13
TURKISH ISLAMIC ACTORS IN AFRICA
University of Bayreuth African Studies Working Papers (L)
schools and high schools that they train in the dershane are maybe hoped to become future
"Risale-i Nur Talebeleri" or at least more influenced by Risale-i Nur than their elders.
Despite Ali's initial reluctance and his assertions to leave the movement, it should be noted that
he continues to cooperate with the movement in the humanitarian field through his NGO, under
whose name he opened the dershane in Niamey. This suggests a strategic approach on the part of
the movement to retain individuals like Ali, even when there is no complete ideological alignment.
The envisioned religious engineering process is a long-term process that might take years, even
generations. But it will depend a lot on the determination and commitment of the movement to
continue and invest more in its expansion project. The Turkish government's diplomatic,
bureaucratic, political, and economic support for these actors has contributed greatly to this
expansion. From this perspective, any change in Turkish state policy toward Islamic actors can
affect the presence of this actors abroad.
TURKISH ISLAMIC ACTORS IN AFRICA 14
University of Bayreuth African Studies Working Papers (L)
6 References
Akgun, B., & Ozkan, M. 2020. Turkey’s Entrance to International Education: The Case of Turkish
Maarif Foundation (SSRN Scholarly Paper ID 3580231). Social Science Research Network.
Available online: https://papers.ssrn.com/abstract=3580231 (accessed on 10 October 2022).
Akinci, A., & Acar, O. 2020. Modern Türkiye’de İslami Cemaatlerin Kimlik Bunalımı. Kocaeli
Üniversitesi Sosyal Bilimler Dergisi 2(40): Article 40.
Akyeşı̇lmen, N., & Özcan, A. B. 2014. Islamic Movements and Their Role In Politics In Turkey. Selçuk
Üniversitesi Sosyal Bilimler Enstitüsü Dergisi 31: Article 31.
Algar, H. 2001. The Centennial Renewer: Bedı̇üzzaman Saı̇d Nursı̇ and the Tradition of “Tajdīd.”
Journal of Islamic Studies 12(3): 291–311.
Angey, G. 2014. La recomposition de la politique étrangère de la Turquie en Afrique: Entre
diplomatie publique et acteurs privés (Note de l’Ifri, p. 35). Ifri.
Angey, G. 2015. Le mouvement musulman turc de Fethullah Gülen en Afrique subsaharienne: Faire
l’école au transnational. Politique africaine 139(3): 23–42.
Angey, G. 2018. The Gülen Movement and the Transfer of a Political Conflict from Turkey to
Senegal. Politics, Religion & Ideology 19(1): 53–68.
Angey-Sentuc, G. 2015. Challenging the Soft Power Analysis. European Journal of Turkish Studies
21: 1–21.
Angey-Sentuc, G., & Molho, J. 2015. A critical approach to soft power: Grasping contemporary
Turkey’s influence in the world. European Journal of Turkish Studies. Social Sciences on
Contemporary Turkey 21: Article 21.
Aras, B., & Mohammed, Z. 2019. The Turkish government scholarship program as a soft power
tool. Turkish Studies 20(3): 421–441.
Atay, R. (2018). Türkçe Ezan Uygulamasının Toplumsal Hafızada Yol Açtığı Travmalar Üzerine.
Mukaddime 9(2): Article 2.
Ayik, H. 2016. Din—Devlet İlişkileri Bağlamında İslâmî Cemaatlerin Devletle İlişkileri Üzerine.
Artvin Çoruh Üniversitesi Uluslararası Sosyal Bilimler Dergisi, 2(1): Article 1. [CrossRef]
Bayar, M., & Arpa, E. 2020. South–South Cooperation in Africa: The Niger-Turkey Case. Journal of
Global South Studies, 37(1): 31–56.
Binaté, I. 2019. La présence turque en Côte d’Ivoire contemporaine: Entreprise transnationale au
service de l’éducation, l’humanitaire et l’islam en Afrique de l’ouest. Canadian Journal of African
Studies / Revue Canadienne Des Études Africaines 53(2): 215–233.
15
TURKISH ISLAMIC ACTORS IN AFRICA
University of Bayreuth African Studies Working Papers (L)
Çakır, R. 2017. Ayet ve Slogan Türkiye’de İslami Oluşumlar. Metis Yayınları.
Donelli, F. 2017. A hybrid actor in the Horn of Africa An analysis of Turkey’s involvement in
Somalia. In The Horn of Africa since the 1960s Local and International Politics Intertwined, eds.
Aleksi Ylönen, Jan Záhořík (pp. 158–170). Routledge.
Donelli, F. 2018. The Ankara consensus: The significance of Turkey’s engagement in sub-Saharan
Africa. Global Change, Peace & Security 30(1): 57.
Efe, A. 2017. Kolektif Dindarlık Türü Olarak Tarikat/Cemaat Dindarlığı. Journal of Islamic Research
28(3): 290-301.
Feroz, A. 2015. The Making of Modern Turkey (1st edition). Routledge.
Guner, E. 2021. NGOization of Islamic Education: The Post-Coup Turkish State and Sufi Orders in
Africa South of the Sahara. Religions 12(1), Article 1.
Hörküç, H. 2004. Said Nursi’s ideal for human society: Moral and social reform in the Risale-i Nur
[Doctoral, Durham University]. Available online: http://etheses.dur.ac.uk/1754/ (accessed on
10 October 2022).
Kamaruzaman Yusoff, Yilmaz, O., & Ebrahimi, M. 2013. Transition in Turkey: An overview of
Bediüzzaman Said Nursi, his life and works for Medresetü’z-Zehra. Jurnal Antarabangsa Kajian
Asia Barat, 5(2): Article 2.
Karacaoğlu M. 2004. Said Nursî. In Modern Türkiye’de Siyasi Düşünce Cilt: 6 İslamcılık (5th
edition), eds. Yasin Aktay, Murat Gültekingil, Tanıl Bora (pp. 270-289). İletişim Yayınları
Kılıç, R. 2005. Osmanlıda seyyidler ve şerifler. Kitap Yayinevi Ltd.
Kuru, Z. A., & Kuru, A. T. 2008. Apolitical Interpretation of Islam: Said Nursi’s Faith-Based Activism
in Comparison with Political Islamism and Sufism. Islam and Christian–Muslim Relations 19(1):
99–111.
Langan, M. 2017. Virtuous power Turkey in sub-Saharan Africa: The ‘Neo-Ottoman’ challenge to
the European Union. Third World Quarterly 38(6): 1399–1414.
Mardin, Ş. 2015. Beddiüzzaman Said Nursi Olayı (M. Çulhaoğlu, Trans.). İletişim Yayınları.
Mardin, S. A. 1971. Ideology and Religion in the Turkish Revolution. International Journal of Middle
East Studies 2(3): 197–211.
Rabasa, A., & Larrabee, F. S. 2008. The Rise of Political Islam in Turkey. In The Rise of Political
Islam in Turkey (1st ed., pp. 31–50). RAND Corporation. Available online:
https://www.jstor.org/stable/10.7249/mg726osd.10 (accessed on 20 October 2022).
TURKISH ISLAMIC ACTORS IN AFRICA 16
University of Bayreuth African Studies Working Papers (L)
Rudincová, K. 2014. New player on the scene: Turkish engagement in Africa. Bulletin of Geography.
Socio-Economic Series 25(25): 197–213.
Şahin, M. G. 2011. Said Nursi and the Nur Movement in Turkey: An Atomistic Approach. Digest of
Middle East Studies, 20(2): 226–241.
Karacaoğlu K., & Saydam, F. (2016). Örgütsel Politika Düzleminde Bir Darbe Girişiminin Arka
Planindaki Örgütlü Yapinin Çözümlenmesi. Available online:
https://www.academia.edu/34878148/%C3%96RG%C3%9CTSEL_POL%C4%B0T%C4%B0
KA_D%C3%9CZLEM%C4%B0NDE_B%C4%B0R_DARBE_G%C4%B0R%C4%B0%C5%9E%C4
%B0M%C4%B0N%C4%B0N_ARKA_PLANINDAK%C4%B0_%C3%96RG%C3%9CTL%C3%9C
_YAPININ_%C3%87%C3%96Z%C3%9CMLENMES%C4%B0 (accessed on 03 November
2022).
Siradag, A. 2015. Benevolence or Selfishness: Understanding the Increasing Role of Turkish NGOs
and Civil Society in Africa. Insight on Africa 7(1): 1–20.
Sounaye, A. 2016. Islam et modernité: Contribution à l’analyse de la ré-islamisation au Niger.
L’Harmattan.
Spies, E., & Schrode, P. 2020. Religious engineering: Exploring projects of transformation from a
relational perspective. Religion 1–18.
Tepeciklioğlu, E. E. 2021. Turkey’s religious diplomacy in Africa. In Turkey in Africa. Routledge.
Yavuz, H. M., 2004. Bediüzzaman Said Nursî. In Modern Türkiye’de Siyasi Düşünce Cilt: 6 İslamcılık
(5th edition), eds. Yasin Aktay, Murat Gültekingil, Tanıl Bora (pp. 265-294). İletişim Yayınları.
Wheeler, A. T. 2011. Ankara to Africa: Turkey’s outreach since 2005. South African Journal of
International Affairs 18(1): 43–62.
17
TURKISH ISLAMIC ACTORS IN AFRICA
University of Bayreuth African Studies Working Papers (L)
7 10 Latest UBT African studies working papers
Title
Editor(s)
Year of
Publication
Issue
Doing ethics. An outline of a
constructivist and
phenomenological approach of
moral communication
Martina Drescher
2024
49
Strömungen
des
Schwarzen
Atlantiks. Über akademische und
politische Aushandlungen in der
brasilianischen Afro-Diaspora
Valerie V. V. Gruber and
Jamile Borges da Silva
2024
47
Circulations,
decolonizations,
unbalances : Anticolonial networks
and links between the literary
reviews
Mensagem,
Présence
Africaine and Black Orpheus
Noemi Alfieri
2024
44
The Use of Social Media in Enacting
Emotional Care to Elderly People
During the Covid-19 Pandemic:
Empirical Evidence from Rwanda
Albert Irambeshya
2023
41
“Hanging out” with judicial and
legal elites
Reflections on researching “up”
Diana Kisakye
2023
40
Modalities of Forgetting : A Refusal
of Memory Among Post-Conflict
Samburu and Pokot, Kenya
Jon Holtzman
2023
36
Ọ rúnmìliàn Film-Philosophy: An
African
Philosophy
throught
Cinematic Storytelling
Saheed Adesumbo Bello
2023
35
Media Transnationalism and the
Politics of ‘Feminised Corruption’
Sharon Adetutu Omotoso
2023
34
Live as African: On the Relevance
of Thomas Sankara’s Agenda for
Economic Liberation
Ndongo Samba Sylla
2022
33
TURKISH ISLAMIC ACTORS IN AFRICA 18
University of Bayreuth African Studies Working Papers (L)
‘Social media is for the elite’: Local
political communication in Ghana
in times of COVID-19
Matthew
Sabbi,
Dieter
Neubert
and
Alexander
Stroh
2022
32
Abdoulaye, Ibrahim Bachir. 2024. Turkish islamic actors in Africa. The case study of
Hayrat Vakfi in Niger. University of Bayreuth African Studies Working Papers 50,
BIGSASworks! 19. Bayreuth: Institute of African Studies.
